The Foreign Policy Approach of Iran toward the Pro-independence Actions of Iraqi Kurdistan
Housin
PourAhmadi Mibodi
Professor martyr Beheshti University
author
saber
ghiyasi
Shahid Beheshti University
author
text
article
2020
per
Iraq, since its political existence as a State from 1921 until today, has been concerned with the issue of Kurdish autonomy and its borders in the north of the country. The KRG was formed in 1991 with the declaration of a no-fly zone by the United Nations, but with the fall of Saddam in 2003 entered a new phase in which it was able to infiltrate Iraq and use the ten years of regional government experience to draft a constitution. Have active, The government has emerged as an active partisan in Iraq's political activities and programs since the 2005 elections, and has sought independence from Iraq since 2007, resuming disputes and tensions with the central government. The efforts of the Kurdistan Region for independence from Iraq, in addition to affecting the national security and political stability of Iraq, can also affect the regional and internal security of neighboring countries, including Iran and Turkey. This caused Iran-Turkey relations to move towards a temporary coalition, especially after the referendum on the independence. The importance of the issue is such that the geographical proximity and the extent of political-economic and cultural interactions of neighbors, as well as their mutual vulnerability have made it possible to assess the security and insecurity in this region in an undeniable way. Accordingly, the present study will use a descriptive-analytical method to investigate the process of independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region and the approach of Iran and Turkey to it.
International Relations Researches
The Iranian Association of International Studies
2251-8444
10
v.
2
no.
2020
7
32
https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113621_da5acbee74b3e50a72d2aeb84f59221c.pdf
Explanation the position of Lebanon’s Hezbollah in Syria's defense strategy (2011-2018)
Ali
Esmaeili
.
author
محمدعلی
شهریاری
هیئت علمی علوم سیاسی، گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد بوشهر، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، بوشهر، ایران
author
Hadi
Hekmatian
کارشناسی ارشد علوم سیاسی، گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد بوشهر، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، بوشهر، ایران
author
text
article
2020
per
Hezbollah and Syria's strategic relationship, despite its ups and downs, has been one of the most enduring regional strategic relationships in recent decades. But the emergence of the Syrian crisis since 2011 in the context of the civil war has deepened and expended these strategic relationships, as far as, Hezbollah has played a vital role in maintaining the structure of the Syrian government since the crisis unfolded. As a result, the role and position of Lebanon’s Hezbollah in Syria's defense strategy after the crisis in Syria Has become important. In this regard, this research has centered its review on answering this central question, what was the position of Lebanon’s Hezbollah in the Syrian defense strategy during the Syrian crisis from 2011 to 2018? The research findings are based on this that in Syrian Crisis from 2011 until 2018, Lebanon’s Hezbollah as a non-governmental actor in the region and in line with Iran's strategy played a significant role in the Syrian government's defense Strategy against internal conflict groups and interfering regional and global powers. So that, it has become one of the main pillars of the Syrian government's defense strategy. Also, Hezbollah as a powerful and efficient tool, It has contributed greatly to strengthening the Syrian government's defense policy. So that, it has failed to make any predictions that the Syrian government would be overthrown. The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library and internet resources
International Relations Researches
The Iranian Association of International Studies
2251-8444
10
v.
2
no.
2020
33
58
https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113623_89dfd78c8775cef8bad240669d61b7b6.pdf
Kurdistan’s Independence in Israel’s Politics; an Analysis based on Giddens’s Structuration Theory
Hasan
Khodaverdi
استادیار گروه روابط بین الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران جنوب، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران
author
Mohammad
Shirzadeh Asl Sharbiani
دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد روابط بین الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران جنوب، دانشگاه آزاداسلامی، تهران، ایران
author
text
article
2020
per
Zionist regime has faced numerous problems because of not being known legitimate from the side of Arabic and non-Arabic countries; especially Islamic Republic of Iran. To come out of political isolation and being known as a legitimate regime,Israel has turned its attention to unity with Islamic non-Arabic countries in western Asia; especially the Kurds.. The reason why Kurds play an important role in peripheral unity policy is that the Kurds are the biggest nation without a government in the world and therefor promise for an independent Kurdish government is considered to be a strong motivation for them to cooperate with regional and non-regional powers. This article is an attempt to answer questions: How are geopolitics of post-Saddam Iraq, and Kurdistan region in the frame work of structuration theory explained? How are Israel’s activities in Kurdistan in the frame work of structuration theory explained? How do these activities change power balance in western Asia? The investigated data are gathered using library method and also via interviewing Iranian diplomats occupying political positions in Kurdistan. analyzed on the basis of the concepts sources, rules, power and signification. Studies show Israel’s activities in Kurdistan is an attempt to gain sources with the aim of gaining legitimacy and signification for its presence in next steps through ratifying Kurdistan’s independence.
International Relations Researches
The Iranian Association of International Studies
2251-8444
10
v.
2
no.
2020
59
84
https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113624_c8a25a8ced888a558b4da8735f7f93e6.pdf
The impact of the system International in designing and developing national development models
Alireza
Soltani
استادیار روابط بین الملل دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد تهران مرکزی
author
text
article
2020
per
The pattern of national development is, in fact, the presentation of a local pattern of development, distinct from the prevailing pattern or patterns of development. It is important to note that the Islamic-Iranian model of progress after design is to become, in practice, a roadmap for the development of the country and to emerge as an independent model with unique characteristics. The implementation of this model requires that its approaches and teachings be realistic in accordance with national and local conditions and characteristics with a global perspective. The dynamism, sustainability and efficiency of any development model depends on not being confined to political boundaries but by playing a global role. The question that can be asked is what approach and behavior should the Islamic-Iranian model of progress for sustainability and efficiency take in the global arena and in relation to other models, especially the ruling model? In answer to the above question, it is emphasized that the Islamic-Iranian model of progress, if active (active) interacts with the international environment and in relation to the prevailing patterns of globalization, can maintain its efficiency, effectiveness and dynamism and create a role model in the world.
International Relations Researches
The Iranian Association of International Studies
2251-8444
10
v.
2
no.
2020
85
108
https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113625_3a1d2bda4cf5072a4e843c81aee18fed.pdf
Rules and mechanisms of the international community and Iran in the field of maritime crimes
Javad
Foroghifar
دانشجوی دکتری دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد یزد
author
Ali
Mazidi sharaf Abadi
استادیار دانشگاه میبد
author
Mohamad reza
Rahmat
استادیار دانشگاه میبد
author
text
article
2020
per
In the absence of a legitimate central authority or universal sovereignty, the international community of states has faced challenges in overcoming the benefits of the seas as a territory for the expansion of international trade, including the challenge of maritime crime, in order to overcome these challenges. Governments have adopted efforts, policies and mechanisms, In this regard, in this study with the aim of "explaining, explaining, analyzing the legislative criminal policy of piracy in domestic and international rules based on scientific findings, valid documents and new ideas in legislative policies" and in a descriptive-analytical method and using From various library sources and texts and documents and legal ideas, the following results have been obtained: The rules and regulations of the international community, despite the criminalization of piracy, have been ineffective not only in terms of regulation but also in terms of regime-building and implementation due to conflicts of interest and difficulties in defining piracy crimes.
International Relations Researches
The Iranian Association of International Studies
2251-8444
10
v.
2
no.
2020
109
122
https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_125357_59dc7dba9be51d87afcdd103c96f464a.pdf
The impact of China's raising on international trade order (2001-2020)
Seyed Said
Mirtorabi
.
author
mohsen
keshvarian azad
گروه آموزشی روابط بین الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی
author
text
article
2020
per
The international trade order was developed In the following Bretton Woods system with the establishment of the GATT in 1948, (1995 World Trade) in the field of international political economy led by the United States and its Western partners with Implement the principles of commercial liberalization. Now, China's economic raising has caused that This state be considered as an effective actor in the international trade order. The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of the Chinese raising on the international trade order and to answer the question that how has China's raising after 2001 affected on the international trade order? in response, it is assumed that the Chinese raising disrupted the functioning of the multilateral free trade regime and weakened the position of the West and the United States in it, and led to the expansion of regional free trade agreements. The research method is qualitative analysis. Findings show that China with rapid expansion of trade capability, Disrupting entry into the WTO, such as agricultural subsidy disruption, discrimination in support of national companies and so on , And the expansion of regional free trade agreements, The pro-Western multilateral trade regime has affected and And has disrupted it.
International Relations Researches
The Iranian Association of International Studies
2251-8444
10
v.
2
no.
2020
123
154
https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113146_14a33707bc6f4df5bd2defef3d2c5b8f.pdf
Hybrid Warfare: The US Approach to the Islamic Republic of Iran
Hadi
Ebrahimikiapei
استادیار و عضو هیات علمی دانشگاه صدا و سیما
author
text
article
2020
per
The United States has been the most important international player for Iran for the past half century. Four decades after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, this country has always sought to change its relations with Iran. The United States' longing for the loss of its closest ally in the Middle East led to a massive effort to restore pre-revolutionary conditions. To return to the pre-revolutionary conditions, this country has taken different approaches to Iran since the beginning of the victory of the revolution. According to many military analysts and strategists, the country's failure to approach a tough war approach such as the attack on Tabas, the Iraq war, the USS Vince attack on an Iranian airliner, and the threat of a military strike or soft war approach such as propaganda, war. Psychology led him to pursue a new approach to Iran in the late fourth and early fifth decades. An approach that is referred to in political and military circles as hybrid warfare. The present study, by enumerating the indicators of this type of war, examines the components of the US combined war against Iran. The findings of the study confirm that most of the components of the combined war have clear examples in the behavior of this country in the face of Iran in the late fourth decade and early fifth decade
International Relations Researches
The Iranian Association of International Studies
2251-8444
10
v.
2
no.
2020
155
180
https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113635_52e4ca38a8a155266fdcd37d07adc661.pdf
New-Regionalism in West Asia and Southeast Asia: A Comparative Reflection
Roya
Nejad zandeyh
دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین الملل دانشگاه شهید بهشتی
author
Roohollah
Talebi Arani
استادیار روابط بین الملل دانشگاه شهید بهشتی
author
text
article
2020
per
Current global politics can be organized in terms of state, continent, and region. Thus, not least during recent three decades. region, both as a level of analysis and as a unit of analysis, has increasingly received scholarly attention. Moreover, a lot of emerging problems embedded in the international spherelack a national and/or global solution. It is easy to resolve regionally. This fact has been more prominent in theasian regions. In the meanwhile, West Asia and Southeast Asia are among regions gone through regionalism continuously. The paper aims to compare regionalism in these two regions by drawing on an appropriate conceptual framework. In doing so, the question is that which these reions has been more successful in promoting new regionalism during recent three decades? In answering, differences and similarities between them will be identified. In order to gather data, we shall use both qualitative and quantitative methods, and in oder to analize data, we will drw on content analysis. The finding is that Southeast Asia has been more successful in promoting new regionalism during recent three decades, which can pave the ground for research on a comparative prospect on new regionalism in West Asia and Southeast Asia and a critical reflection on it.
International Relations Researches
The Iranian Association of International Studies
2251-8444
10
v.
2
no.
2020
181
218
https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_118119_b6fa954c43749faf566a69679df9e784.pdf
Exploring the Theories and Processes of government Formation in the Western World and Islam
Mojtaba
Ghanbardost
دانشجوی دکتری علوم سیاسی، مسائل ایران، دانشکده علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد تهران مرکزی، تهران، ایران.
author
Akbar
Ashrafi
استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد تهران مرکزی، تهران، ایران.
author
text
article
2020
per
There are numerous theories about the State such as "legal", "pluralism", "functionalism", "developmental" and "class state" theories that lead to the creation of "conservative", "liberal", "democratic", "fascist", "Communist", "welfare" and "neoliberal" theory of state that have become the norm in Western civilization. The experiences of state-building in Islamic civilization also led to Sunni governments to secular monarchies or secular democracies, and in addition to the short-lived experience of the Imamate system in Shi'ism, the Shi'ite governments came to despotic monarchies during the absence of a constitutional model. The aspiration to regain power and increase parliamentary powers was also experienced in Iran. But the process of state-building after the Islamic Revolution of Iran, using the experiences of past state-building, has entered a new and important stage of state-building for the realization of a “new Islamic civilization”. At the present stage, the Islamic Republic system has been established as a turning point and the first experience of Shi'a political history in religious democracy, with the current state-building mechanism based on the dynamic political jurisprudence and the centrality of "Velayat-e Faqih" with "religious democracy" and "The constitution» Based on the human experience of other societies has been introduced as a new paradigm for the Islamic State. However, based on the "descriptive-analytical" approach in this study, theories of government and the process of state-building in the Western world and Islam as the state-building experience for the model of the Islamic Republic of Iran are discussed.
International Relations Researches
The Iranian Association of International Studies
2251-8444
10
v.
2
no.
2020
219
239
https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113636_6d738c87cd5acebd28cf40669678c67e.pdf
Feasibility study for the formation of order and security in the post-American region
Ebrahim
Meraji
International relations, faculty of management, Islamic azad university, tehran north branch, Tehran, Iran
author
Hossein
Daheshiar
Allameh Tabatabaee University
author
text
article
2020
per
The region of West Asia and the Middle East has witnessed the presence of American forces as a major and influential player for decades, and the order of this region has been formed based on its presence and influence. It is clear that the US regional presence has not led to comprehensive security in the region, and relations between the countries are tense and unstable today. Given the negative attitude of some countries in the region, including Iran, to this presence and the possibility of the withdrawal of American troops from the region, the important question arises that with the withdrawal of US forces, what will be the possibility of a realistic order and security? The present study, with a descriptive-analytical approach and using the theory of Secure Community tests the hypothesis that the formation of regional order due to the withdrawal of American forces in its best form can be a tightly – coupled and nascent Secure Community.
International Relations Researches
The Iranian Association of International Studies
2251-8444
10
v.
2
no.
2020
241
254
https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_125446_ba649e4960bfcd3c8f4eae4ae3bd866c.pdf
Comparative study of the rights of domestic and international companies in the regulation of Iran's governance
Ashkan
Abdali
PhD student, Department of Private Law, Kermanshah Branch, Islamic Azad University, Kermanshah, Iran.
author
rabiae
Eskini
Full Professor, Department of Private Law, Mofid University, Qom, Iran
author
Alireza
Mazloom Rahni
Assistant Professor of Civil Liability Law, Ghods Branch of Azad University, Tehran, Iran
author
Saeid
kheradmandy
Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Kermanshah Branch, Islamic Azad University, Kermanshah, Iran.
author
text
article
2020
per
The fact that foreign companies are treated like Iranian companies in Iran's legal system is a non-discrimination issue. Of course, the regulations of international trade law, which have been taken into consideration in the form of international organizations such as the World Trade Organization, have emphasized the necessity of observing the principle of non-discrimination in the behavior between domestic and foreign companies. In any case, the main question of the current research is that according to the rule of law in Iran's legal system, what is the difference between the laws of domestic and international companies? The hypothesis that is put against this question is that based on various legal articles, including Article 1 of the Companies Registration Law, foreign companies have rights, including the principle of freedom of commercial activity, the principle of eliminating discriminatory behavior, etc. There are also limitations in this field in the application of each of these rights, including the limitations of capital reduction and public order as major exceptions compared to Iranian companies.
International Relations Researches
The Iranian Association of International Studies
2251-8444
10
v.
2
no.
2020
255
271
https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_162970_c3789018419d86aa94d66e73f8159039.pdf
dx.doi.org/.
Applying transnational commercial law as the law governing contracts in international commercial arbitration
Mohammad
Karimi
PhD Student of private Law, Department of Law, Najaf Abad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Najaf Abad, Iran.
author
Gholamreza
Karimi
University Lecturer, PhD in Private Law, North Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
Transnational commercial law or Lex Mercatoria, has always been proposed as one of the appropriate options for managing contracts concluded in foreign trade, and for many reasons, judges and businessmen in different situations have tended to choose Lex Mercatoria instead of choosing and applying national laws. However, the issue that should be paid attention to is the occasions of applying Lex Mercatoria, which actually refers to the situations where international arbitrators can apply Lex Mercatoria as the governing law of the contract. In this regard, the examination of the situations of the application of Lex Mercatoria shows that the application of this transnational legal system is not only done through the explicit choice of it as the governing law of the contract by the contracting parties, but there are many cases that even in the absence of the explicit choice of Lex Mercatoria as the law governing the contract, the arbitrators have considered it as the appropriate law for managing contracts concluded in foreign trade.
International Relations Researches
The Iranian Association of International Studies
2251-8444
10
v.
2
no.
2020
273
293
https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_171394_aa0441f63312cfb16cd8fc34f68edf78.pdf