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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Convergence and Divergence Between Developing and Developed States</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Convergence and Divergence Between Developing and Developed States</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>7</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>40</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82463</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Saeed Dehghan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Khavari</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of Economics, Department of Economics, Meybod University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Seyd Hossein</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mirjalili</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor of Economics, Department of Economics, Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The last decades only a limited number (less than 10 percent of the economies in the world) managing to progress out of lower or middle income status to high-income status but despite the rising weight of middle-income countries in supporting global growth, many of them have been stuck in the middle-income trap. Leader-follower strategy is based on imitation and emulation the leading countries have paid to explain this convergence and catching up process and analyze its nature and determinants so that provide opportunities for other developing countries to following from generations and waves of development. Leading-follower strategy can be explained in three models within the country includes the catching-up process through diversification and rationalization of industries, pro-trade-oriented (PROT) foreign direct investment (FDI) and agreed specialization. Intra-regional dynamics contains regional industrialization waves and intra-regional trade and investment. We concluded the most important principles of the strategy are structural transformation; correct selecting of leader countries and imitation of followers from leaders Countries; The comparative advantage and export promotion policies according to it. Also it should be avoided from economics of unrealistic ambitions and comparative-advantage-defying strategies in these processes. So in some cases, countries do not move in the direction of structural changes but in some cases, countries move in the direction of structural changes but these changes is not consistent with the comparative advantages of the country and the structure of production factors</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The last decades only a limited number (less than 10 percent of the economies in the world) managing to progress out of lower or middle income status to high-income status but despite the rising weight of middle-income countries in supporting global growth, many of them have been stuck in the middle-income trap. Leader-follower strategy is based on imitation and emulation the leading countries have paid to explain this convergence and catching up process and analyze its nature and determinants so that provide opportunities for other developing countries to following from generations and waves of development. Leading-follower strategy can be explained in three models within the country includes the catching-up process through diversification and rationalization of industries, pro-trade-oriented (PROT) foreign direct investment (FDI) and agreed specialization. Intra-regional dynamics contains regional industrialization waves and intra-regional trade and investment. We concluded the most important principles of the strategy are structural transformation; correct selecting of leader countries and imitation of followers from leaders Countries; The comparative advantage and export promotion policies according to it. Also it should be avoided from economics of unrealistic ambitions and comparative-advantage-defying strategies in these processes. So in some cases, countries do not move in the direction of structural changes but in some cases, countries move in the direction of structural changes but these changes is not consistent with the comparative advantages of the country and the structure of production factors</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Convergence and divergence</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Leader-Follower Strategy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Structural Transformation</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Economic Growth‎</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_82463_8b4e1845b38e603d9c6a2cb240c13123.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Concept of Balance in The Political System of Iran, Case Study: Post- JCPOA Performance</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The Concept of Balance in The Political System of Iran, Case Study: Post- JCPOA Performance</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>41</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>66</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82465</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohsen</FirstName>
					<LastName>Zamani‎</LastName>
<Affiliation>‎PhD student in International Relations, Faculty of Literature and ‎Humanities, University of Guilan</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Sadegh</FirstName>
					<LastName>Zibakalam‎</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, ‎University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The decision-making and policy making process and the factors influencing the foreign policy orientation in the Islamic Republic of Iran after JCPOA was an ambiguous and sometimes contradictory and unreliable implementation. This action is most affected by the multiplicity of institutions, the involvement of non-state actors, and the personalities of power relations. Although there is a general consensus with the complexity within the system, the continuation of dual sovereignty and parallel institutions leads to the emergence of a specific, complex and interconnected structure consisting of the leadership, the presidency, the military-security forces and the Supreme National Security Council and the Security Commission National and foreign policy of the Islamic Consultative Assembly. Along with them, an informal network based on personal relationships as well as the influence of religious figures has also been effective in the functioning of formal institutions in the field of foreign policy. Despite the definition and clarification of the structure of foreign policy decisions in the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the lack of a comprehensive foreign policy decision making structure in which the framework, position and role of each institution, brokerage, and certain individuals The fact is undeniable. Accordingly, the question of the article is whether there is political balance and political consensus between the institutions of power in the major political issues in the field of foreign policy in a political structure called the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis of the article is based on this principle. The Islamic Republic of Iran suffers from a political imbalance and the consensus of power institutions over foreign policy issues, for example, the choice of a kind of national security strategy in the post-JCPOA that has been addressed in this study.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The decision-making and policy making process and the factors influencing the foreign policy orientation in the Islamic Republic of Iran after JCPOA was an ambiguous and sometimes contradictory and unreliable implementation. This action is most affected by the multiplicity of institutions, the involvement of non-state actors, and the personalities of power relations. Although there is a general consensus with the complexity within the system, the continuation of dual sovereignty and parallel institutions leads to the emergence of a specific, complex and interconnected structure consisting of the leadership, the presidency, the military-security forces and the Supreme National Security Council and the Security Commission National and foreign policy of the Islamic Consultative Assembly. Along with them, an informal network based on personal relationships as well as the influence of religious figures has also been effective in the functioning of formal institutions in the field of foreign policy. Despite the definition and clarification of the structure of foreign policy decisions in the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the lack of a comprehensive foreign policy decision making structure in which the framework, position and role of each institution, brokerage, and certain individuals The fact is undeniable. Accordingly, the question of the article is whether there is political balance and political consensus between the institutions of power in the major political issues in the field of foreign policy in a political structure called the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis of the article is based on this principle. The Islamic Republic of Iran suffers from a political imbalance and the consensus of power institutions over foreign policy issues, for example, the choice of a kind of national security strategy in the post-JCPOA that has been addressed in this study.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Foreign Policy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Nuclear Diplomacy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Decision Making</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">JCPOA</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_82465_66baebcf45f103a184722a003a7704c7.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Position of Economic Diplomacy in Iran&#039;s Foreign Policy: ‎Ahmadinejad and Rouhani Era</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The Position of Economic Diplomacy in Iran&#039;s Foreign Policy: ‎Ahmadinejad and Rouhani Era</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>67</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>94</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82466</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mehdi</FirstName>
					<LastName>Zolfaghari</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor and Faculty Member in Political Science Department - Lorestan University(IRAN)‎</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hossein</FirstName>
					<LastName>Zeinivand</LastName>
<Affiliation>Faculty Member in Political Science Department- Lorestan University(IRAN).‎</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Economic diplomacy is one type of diplomacy that is of particular importance in foreign policy of countries. The special conditions of the Islamic Republic of Iran require pursuit of efficient economic diplomacy. The post-revolutionary governments sought to use the capacities of economic diplomacy in foreign policy, But in this regard, they have not had the necessary efficiency and faced various challenges. The main question of the research is how was the position of economic diplomacy in Iran? In this research, using the descriptive-analytical method and using library and documentary resources and statistical data, we are going to examine the position of economic diplomacy in Iran&#039;s foreign policy in the ninth and eleventh governments. Therefore, we study foreign policy from revolution to government of Rouhani and study the status of economic diplomacy. The findings show that there are structural challenges in different periods of the use of this type of diplomacy in foreign policy, but opportunities have also been provided because of the nature of the foreign policy of the Rouhani government that Iran can adopt successful economic diplomacy.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Economic diplomacy is one type of diplomacy that is of particular importance in foreign policy of countries. The special conditions of the Islamic Republic of Iran require pursuit of efficient economic diplomacy. The post-revolutionary governments sought to use the capacities of economic diplomacy in foreign policy, But in this regard, they have not had the necessary efficiency and faced various challenges. The main question of the research is how was the position of economic diplomacy in Iran? In this research, using the descriptive-analytical method and using library and documentary resources and statistical data, we are going to examine the position of economic diplomacy in Iran&#039;s foreign policy in the ninth and eleventh governments. Therefore, we study foreign policy from revolution to government of Rouhani and study the status of economic diplomacy. The findings show that there are structural challenges in different periods of the use of this type of diplomacy in foreign policy, but opportunities have also been provided because of the nature of the foreign policy of the Rouhani government that Iran can adopt successful economic diplomacy.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">economic diplomacy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Foreign Policy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Islamic Republic of Iran</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">‎Challenges</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">opportunities</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_82466_ce96b83ed270d644c1922211c81c8e72.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>China&#039;s Encounter with the Modern West: Refusal, ‎Learning and Transformation</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>China&#039;s Encounter with the Modern West: Refusal, ‎Learning and Transformation</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>95</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>125</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82467</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Sajad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Bahrami Moghadam</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor in International Relations at ‎Guilan University</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-0821-8763</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>  &lt;br /&gt;In the 19&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century, after a long period of isolationism, China came under pressure from the West to open to foreign trade and relations in the 1800s China simultaneously experiences major internal strains and Western imperialist pressure that backed by military might which China cannot match,as a consequence China’s position in the world and self-image is reversed from leading civilization to subjected and torn country. This paper focuses on China&#039;s approaches and policies in the face of modern Western States. This dramatic confrontation dates back to the late eighteenth century with the increasing expansion of Western merchants around the Chinese sea, the first is the supreme isolation and refusal policy, which was adopted with regard to the calculation of the cultural, economic and security costs of expanding relations with the West. With the failure of this policy and the arrival of the Westerners by force, the approach to adaptation of the modern techniques and tools of war was raised, Then, ‎ beyond the technology of war, ‎ the learning approach emerged: Westernization according to the Confucian tradition. Which led to the overthrow of the empire and the establishment of the Republic of China in 1912, This approach, led by Chian Kai-shek, turned into a full Westernization based on the learning of developed democracies, eventually launched in Taiwan and similar in Hong Kong and Macao, at the same time, in the mainland of China under the leadership of Mao, a Marxist approach adapted from the Soviet Union was on the agenda which was ultimately reviewed by Deng Xiaoping, and has been replaced by a pragmatic approach to adopting policies that have yielded successful results in Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan, as a result, China has become an emerging power and is returning to status that has been lost since the beginning of the Century of Humiliation.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">  &lt;br /&gt;In the 19&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century, after a long period of isolationism, China came under pressure from the West to open to foreign trade and relations in the 1800s China simultaneously experiences major internal strains and Western imperialist pressure that backed by military might which China cannot match,as a consequence China’s position in the world and self-image is reversed from leading civilization to subjected and torn country. This paper focuses on China&#039;s approaches and policies in the face of modern Western States. This dramatic confrontation dates back to the late eighteenth century with the increasing expansion of Western merchants around the Chinese sea, the first is the supreme isolation and refusal policy, which was adopted with regard to the calculation of the cultural, economic and security costs of expanding relations with the West. With the failure of this policy and the arrival of the Westerners by force, the approach to adaptation of the modern techniques and tools of war was raised, Then, ‎ beyond the technology of war, ‎ the learning approach emerged: Westernization according to the Confucian tradition. Which led to the overthrow of the empire and the establishment of the Republic of China in 1912, This approach, led by Chian Kai-shek, turned into a full Westernization based on the learning of developed democracies, eventually launched in Taiwan and similar in Hong Kong and Macao, at the same time, in the mainland of China under the leadership of Mao, a Marxist approach adapted from the Soviet Union was on the agenda which was ultimately reviewed by Deng Xiaoping, and has been replaced by a pragmatic approach to adopting policies that have yielded successful results in Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan, as a result, China has become an emerging power and is returning to status that has been lost since the beginning of the Century of Humiliation.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">The Theory of Diffusion and Learning</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">China</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">the West</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">‎Learning and Adaptation</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_82467_52aa08e72d7bd681c7441b4f9a37d033.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>New Attitude in Redefining the Geopolitical Concept of Peace</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>New Attitude in Redefining the Geopolitical Concept of Peace</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>127</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>160</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82468</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Afshin</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mottaghi ‎</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor of Political Geography, Kharazmi University of Tehran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-4406-3236</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohsen</FirstName>
					<LastName>Janparvar  ‎</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of Political Geography of Ferdowsi University of Mashhad</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Arash  ‎</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghorbani Sepehr</LastName>
<Affiliation>Ph.D. Student of Political Geography, Kharazmi University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Developments in various fields have led to the formation of new topics in the field of geopolitical studies, as a new knowledge. In a way, the geopolitical historical course also suggests that the term &quot;geopolitics&quot; has been associated with concepts such as &quot;crisis, war, competition&quot; throughout history. But today, unlike the old geopolitics, in the present era, new geopolitics can be used as a tool for the development of international cooperation and peace. Therefore, the historic study of the geopolitical developments in the world should not lead us to accuse geopolitics of war, because essentially the geopolitical nature is applicable and geopolitical inferences can be used to meet human needs, not necessarily war. Based on this, the present study is based on the method of content analysis and the use of library data to answer the question of how can the conceptualization of the geopolitical peace be conceptualized? The research hypothesis is that the right conception of the geopolitics of peace seems to have not been carried out in the investigative work, and only to describe it through the expression of examples and cases. Also, the findings of the research show that the writers, having regard to the definition of geopolitics, have been able to explain to some extent the correct conception of the geopolitics of peace that has not yet been provided by thinkers. It seems that a genuine explanation of the geopolitics of peace can greatly affect the various fields of science and practice.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Developments in various fields have led to the formation of new topics in the field of geopolitical studies, as a new knowledge. In a way, the geopolitical historical course also suggests that the term &quot;geopolitics&quot; has been associated with concepts such as &quot;crisis, war, competition&quot; throughout history. But today, unlike the old geopolitics, in the present era, new geopolitics can be used as a tool for the development of international cooperation and peace. Therefore, the historic study of the geopolitical developments in the world should not lead us to accuse geopolitics of war, because essentially the geopolitical nature is applicable and geopolitical inferences can be used to meet human needs, not necessarily war. Based on this, the present study is based on the method of content analysis and the use of library data to answer the question of how can the conceptualization of the geopolitical peace be conceptualized? The research hypothesis is that the right conception of the geopolitics of peace seems to have not been carried out in the investigative work, and only to describe it through the expression of examples and cases. Also, the findings of the research show that the writers, having regard to the definition of geopolitics, have been able to explain to some extent the correct conception of the geopolitics of peace that has not yet been provided by thinkers. It seems that a genuine explanation of the geopolitics of peace can greatly affect the various fields of science and practice.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Geopolitics</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Peace</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Peace geopolitics</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_82468_39621ac65f498eabdb33cfbce569849e.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Crisis Management Concept: Perception of Threat and Violence</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Crisis Management Concept: Perception of Threat and Violence</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>161</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>183</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82469</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mahdyeh</FirstName>
					<LastName>Heidari</LastName>
<Affiliation>Phd. Candidate in International Relations at Allameh Tabataba&amp;#039;i University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Actors in the world Politics in dealing with international crises has used various techniques and models for managing crises. These patterns and techniques can be found in two general types of crisis management: peaceful crisis management and non-peaceful crisis management. The third type is the combination of these two categories. Stanford&#039;s school is one of the areas that lies in the second category and focuses on the rough management of crises. So the main question of the research is why the Stanford School emphasizes and focuses on the management of violent crises of the international community. The temporary answer is that at Stanford, actors involved in crises, according to perceptions of threats Its goals and interests have benefited from the highest levels of violence for managing international crises. Stanford School model research findings suggest that a critical element among decision-makers in A would create a subjective perception of a threat The answer to this threat is to make it more fragile and more violent interactions betسسween countries Lef and B, and possibly other governments, will form a progressive spiral of violent interaction in the interactions of these actors. The research in this study is descriptive-analytical and data collection, library and Internet</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Actors in the world Politics in dealing with international crises has used various techniques and models for managing crises. These patterns and techniques can be found in two general types of crisis management: peaceful crisis management and non-peaceful crisis management. The third type is the combination of these two categories. Stanford&#039;s school is one of the areas that lies in the second category and focuses on the rough management of crises. So the main question of the research is why the Stanford School emphasizes and focuses on the management of violent crises of the international community. The temporary answer is that at Stanford, actors involved in crises, according to perceptions of threats Its goals and interests have benefited from the highest levels of violence for managing international crises. Stanford School model research findings suggest that a critical element among decision-makers in A would create a subjective perception of a threat The answer to this threat is to make it more fragile and more violent interactions betسسween countries Lef and B, and possibly other governments, will form a progressive spiral of violent interaction in the interactions of these actors. The research in this study is descriptive-analytical and data collection, library and Internet</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">International Crises</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Violent Approach</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">crisis management</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Perception of The Threat</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_82469_bd42bf65086cf73f0edfc6308d39fc51.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Ontological Security and Iran’s Nuclear Problem ‎</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Ontological Security and Iran’s Nuclear Problem ‎</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>185</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>214</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82470</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Arash</FirstName>
					<LastName>Reisinezhad</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor in International Relations  at University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The controversial Iranian Nuclear Program (INP) has attracted many eyes and thoughts for more than a decade. While much ink has been spilled on the evolution and impact of the INP on the international security and the Middle-Eastern politics, there has been a theoretical void in the explanation of its major driving force(s). Such an unfortunate poverty is no more obvious than in an analysis of the relation between Iran’s specific narrative of security and the INP. From this perspective, the present study is an attempt to explain major forces shaping Iranian leaders’ views towards national security and the INP. I will accomplish this mission by highlighting the interconnection of the INP and Iranian state identity as well as the priority of ‘Ontological’ security over ‘Physical’ security for Iranian leaders. In following, the paper touches central, yet ignored, concepts of ‘Shame’, ‘Face’, and ‘Reputation’ to illustrate motives behind the INP. Lastly, it traces the impact of ‘Master Frame of Trust’ on the trajectory of the INP.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The controversial Iranian Nuclear Program (INP) has attracted many eyes and thoughts for more than a decade. While much ink has been spilled on the evolution and impact of the INP on the international security and the Middle-Eastern politics, there has been a theoretical void in the explanation of its major driving force(s). Such an unfortunate poverty is no more obvious than in an analysis of the relation between Iran’s specific narrative of security and the INP. From this perspective, the present study is an attempt to explain major forces shaping Iranian leaders’ views towards national security and the INP. I will accomplish this mission by highlighting the interconnection of the INP and Iranian state identity as well as the priority of ‘Ontological’ security over ‘Physical’ security for Iranian leaders. In following, the paper touches central, yet ignored, concepts of ‘Shame’, ‘Face’, and ‘Reputation’ to illustrate motives behind the INP. Lastly, it traces the impact of ‘Master Frame of Trust’ on the trajectory of the INP.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Nuclear Problem</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">ontological security</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">physical security</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Iran</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_82470_182c7356b53334d64165e91f0dd29d11.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>European and American Conflicted Discourses toward the Joint Comprehensive Plan of ‎Action ‎</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>European and American Conflicted Discourses toward the Joint Comprehensive Plan of ‎Action ‎</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>215</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>244</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82471</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Rahmat</FirstName>
					<LastName>Hajimineh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of International Relations, East Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad ‎University, Tehran, Iran.‎</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-1225-9541</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Akram</FirstName>
					<LastName>Salehi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Ph.D Student of International Relations, Department of International Relations, North ‎Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.‎</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Iran&#039;s nuclear activities are one of the most important issues that have affected the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran with the United States and the European Union since 2002, which in addition to political relations, also overshadowed other aspects of the relationship between them.  Following the multilateral talks of Iran with the six major powers, finally the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was signed with the final agreement of the Foreign Ministers of 5 + 1 (the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council China, France, Russia, United Kingdom, United States plus Germany), and the Foreign Minister of the Islamic Republic of Iran on July 14, 2015. After two years of negotiations, regarding Iran&#039;s nuclear activities and canceling Iran&#039;s sanctions, they achieved a long-term agreement…. Only six days later, on July 20, 2015, Security Council sanctioned the 2231 resolution. According to this resolution, previous Security Council sanctions have been canceled and JCPOA signatory countries were forced to implement the ccommitments which were inserted on it. However, it did not take long time that the new Presidency of America, Donald Trump, revealed his incompatibility with Iran&#039;s multilateral international nuclear agreement, in spite of the European commitment to JCPOA. The key question in this research is that, how are the European and American discourses against the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)? In this regard, the main hypothesis of the research is that, European discourse against JCPOA is based on supporting it and thus maintaining its original form, while the American discourse is based against it in a way that make it changed or canceled. Accordingly, the main purpose of this research, is to understand the similarities and differences between European and American discourse analysis toward JCPOA after Donald Trump reached the presidency. Therefore, the research method in this paper will be a combination of discourse analysis and describing and explaining information. &lt;br /&gt; </Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Iran&#039;s nuclear activities are one of the most important issues that have affected the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran with the United States and the European Union since 2002, which in addition to political relations, also overshadowed other aspects of the relationship between them.  Following the multilateral talks of Iran with the six major powers, finally the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was signed with the final agreement of the Foreign Ministers of 5 + 1 (the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council China, France, Russia, United Kingdom, United States plus Germany), and the Foreign Minister of the Islamic Republic of Iran on July 14, 2015. After two years of negotiations, regarding Iran&#039;s nuclear activities and canceling Iran&#039;s sanctions, they achieved a long-term agreement…. Only six days later, on July 20, 2015, Security Council sanctioned the 2231 resolution. According to this resolution, previous Security Council sanctions have been canceled and JCPOA signatory countries were forced to implement the ccommitments which were inserted on it. However, it did not take long time that the new Presidency of America, Donald Trump, revealed his incompatibility with Iran&#039;s multilateral international nuclear agreement, in spite of the European commitment to JCPOA. The key question in this research is that, how are the European and American discourses against the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)? In this regard, the main hypothesis of the research is that, European discourse against JCPOA is based on supporting it and thus maintaining its original form, while the American discourse is based against it in a way that make it changed or canceled. Accordingly, the main purpose of this research, is to understand the similarities and differences between European and American discourse analysis toward JCPOA after Donald Trump reached the presidency. Therefore, the research method in this paper will be a combination of discourse analysis and describing and explaining information. &lt;br /&gt; </OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Islamic Republic of Iran</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">European Union</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">‎United States of America</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Donald Trump</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_82471_e37faca55ea643cb2c5f3a7e09b85509.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Global Perspective on Oil and Gas Supply and Demand and Iran&#039;s Geostrategic Position</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Global Perspective on Oil and Gas Supply and Demand and Iran&#039;s Geostrategic Position</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>245</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>280</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82889</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Jalal</FirstName>
					<LastName>Dehghani</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-1055-531X</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Akbar</FirstName>
					<LastName>Sadeghi</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Energy as a geostrategic variable has opened up a special place in power relations in the contemporary global system, and access to energy resources for all levels of the hierarchy of world power has become of strategic importance. Hence, each player in the global system is looking for a meaningful definition of their energy status in the world. Therefore, Iran, in the light of its considerable potential in the field of energy, is a focus of production and consumption and energy distribution. Meanwhile, Iran has an important place in global energy transformation by being the world&#039;s second largest strategic ocean center and having the second largest source of crude oil and natural gas in the world. This research is based on the descriptive-analytical method and relying on published data of the world to emphasize the main question of the article: &quot;In the global perspective of supply and demand of oil and gas, the energy status of Iran based on How are the statistics provided by different centers evaluated? &quot;The hypothesis of the article focuses on the proposition that, based on the statistics provided by different centers, the global outlook for oil and gas supply and demand, based on the intensification of competition on energy sources and Despite the sanctions imposed by Western countries, Iran&#039;s position also has a significant importance in the amount of reserves The world&#039;s energy production and transmission.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Energy as a geostrategic variable has opened up a special place in power relations in the contemporary global system, and access to energy resources for all levels of the hierarchy of world power has become of strategic importance. Hence, each player in the global system is looking for a meaningful definition of their energy status in the world. Therefore, Iran, in the light of its considerable potential in the field of energy, is a focus of production and consumption and energy distribution. Meanwhile, Iran has an important place in global energy transformation by being the world&#039;s second largest strategic ocean center and having the second largest source of crude oil and natural gas in the world. This research is based on the descriptive-analytical method and relying on published data of the world to emphasize the main question of the article: &quot;In the global perspective of supply and demand of oil and gas, the energy status of Iran based on How are the statistics provided by different centers evaluated? &quot;The hypothesis of the article focuses on the proposition that, based on the statistics provided by different centers, the global outlook for oil and gas supply and demand, based on the intensification of competition on energy sources and Despite the sanctions imposed by Western countries, Iran&#039;s position also has a significant importance in the amount of reserves The world&#039;s energy production and transmission.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">‎energy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Geo-Energy And Geo-Strategic</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">world</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Iran</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">‎</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_82889_c9bfb739b21dfd01448e1a40a9de7257.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Iran-Russia Commercial Relations; A Strategy for ‎Non-Oil Trading Development</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Iran-Russia Commercial Relations; A Strategy for ‎Non-Oil Trading Development</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>281</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>312</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82472</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Rahmat Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Saberi Haghayegh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Ph.D. Student in Business Management, Alborz Campus, ‎University of Tehran,Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Tahmoures</FirstName>
					<LastName>Hassangholipoor</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor at Faculty of Management, University ‎of Tehran, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>International business relations, trade development, globalization of products and internationalization have always had a beneficial effect on the international relations. In this regard, the present study aims to explain export development strategies with an emphasis on agricultural products to Russia. The issue of research is the lack of clarification of scientific and applied strategies with the necessity of retrieving opportunities, as their development and implementation, the development of international relations, the increase of non-oil exports and the development of many upstream results will help. Previous researches are not feasible due to environmental misalignment or full-fledged communication with the Iranian market and subject matter of the research. The basis of research based on (qualitative and quantitative) mix method, carrying out various types of results through theoretical and empirical study of identification and components of the effect the transition was extracted. From an exploration interview with 20 experts, export strategies were consolidated into Russia, and according to Friedman&#039;s test, a questionnaire from 100 exporters, inequality and the average ranking of tactics was carried out. The results showed that the best way to develop fruit and vegetable exports to Russia was to implement optimized entry strategies and a sustainable presence in the market, and the twenty-eight tactics that have a priority for the establishment of the exchange rate, the stability of laws and regulations, tariff review, Incentives, green corridor launch, export clustering, training, preferential tariffs, information updates, fixed pricing and long-term pricing, and other influential strategies are outlined in the article.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">International business relations, trade development, globalization of products and internationalization have always had a beneficial effect on the international relations. In this regard, the present study aims to explain export development strategies with an emphasis on agricultural products to Russia. The issue of research is the lack of clarification of scientific and applied strategies with the necessity of retrieving opportunities, as their development and implementation, the development of international relations, the increase of non-oil exports and the development of many upstream results will help. Previous researches are not feasible due to environmental misalignment or full-fledged communication with the Iranian market and subject matter of the research. The basis of research based on (qualitative and quantitative) mix method, carrying out various types of results through theoretical and empirical study of identification and components of the effect the transition was extracted. From an exploration interview with 20 experts, export strategies were consolidated into Russia, and according to Friedman&#039;s test, a questionnaire from 100 exporters, inequality and the average ranking of tactics was carried out. The results showed that the best way to develop fruit and vegetable exports to Russia was to implement optimized entry strategies and a sustainable presence in the market, and the twenty-eight tactics that have a priority for the establishment of the exchange rate, the stability of laws and regulations, tariff review, Incentives, green corridor launch, export clustering, training, preferential tariffs, information updates, fixed pricing and long-term pricing, and other influential strategies are outlined in the article.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Non-Oil Exports</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Iran</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Russia</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Export Development Strategy‎</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_82472_eaa2e3560da230a4ce52f167bd8d98ab.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>
</ArticleSet>
