The Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-84449120190522The United States and ُSecuritization of Iran in Europe's PerceptionThe United States and ُSecuritization of Iran in Europe's Perception73892477FAEbrahimBagheriPhD student in Regional Studies- European Studies- Faculty of Law and Political Science,University of Tehran Assistant Professor of regional study- Faculty of low and political science- tehran university0000-0002-5842-1874MohammadGheysariM.Sc. Student of Regional Studies- Faculty of Political and Economic Sciences Shahid Beheshti University and Senior Researcher Institute of Strategic ResearchJournal Article20190827The impact of the U.S. variable on relationship between Iran and Europe is indicative of a trend that a part of the European perceptions of Iran's threats has been constructed by other actors seeking to change the European Union's approach to Iran. In this framework, the new strategy of the United States and its regional allies is to use Iran and Europe differences to construct a threat with the aim of building consensus on sanctions and take actions against Iran. To implement this approach, the United States is attempting to introduce European and Iranian issues as a real threat posed to Europe by Iran. The hypothesis is that the United States, along with its regional allies, is the most important driver of securitization of the Iran's issue and its threat against European security with the aim of bringing it to the attention of the European governments and decision-making bodies for the purpose of consensus-building on sanctions and other measures against Iran. Meanwhile, the differences between Iran and Europe regarding missile (ballistic) and alleged terrorist attacks in the soil of Europe are among the most important issues that the United States seeks to securitize and to portray as threatening for the European actors and decision-making bodies of the European Union. The method used in this article is descriptive-analytical and it uses library tools, documentation, and electronic resources and databases to collect dataThe impact of the U.S. variable on relationship between Iran and Europe is indicative of a trend that a part of the European perceptions of Iran's threats has been constructed by other actors seeking to change the European Union's approach to Iran. In this framework, the new strategy of the United States and its regional allies is to use Iran and Europe differences to construct a threat with the aim of building consensus on sanctions and take actions against Iran. To implement this approach, the United States is attempting to introduce European and Iranian issues as a real threat posed to Europe by Iran. The hypothesis is that the United States, along with its regional allies, is the most important driver of securitization of the Iran's issue and its threat against European security with the aim of bringing it to the attention of the European governments and decision-making bodies for the purpose of consensus-building on sanctions and other measures against Iran. Meanwhile, the differences between Iran and Europe regarding missile (ballistic) and alleged terrorist attacks in the soil of Europe are among the most important issues that the United States seeks to securitize and to portray as threatening for the European actors and decision-making bodies of the European Union. The method used in this article is descriptive-analytical and it uses library tools, documentation, and electronic resources and databases to collect datahttps://www.iisajournals.ir/article_92477_892cc228b45670f75bdc320794812f87.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-84449120190522Theory of Relative Universality in International RelationsTheory of Relative Universality in International Relations396492479FAMohammad RezaDeshiriAssociate Professor of Political Science, Faculty of International Relations, Ministry of Foreign Affairs0000-0001-8223-3358Journal Article20190827The present study aimed to clarify the connectivity and complementarity of relative and universal affairs in international relations. Believing that, based on the “unity despite plurality” approach, it is possible to have one worldview despite the plurality of methods, it would be possible to have the basic, fixed, general, and universal principles, despite having secondary, multiple, diverse, numerous, changing, and specific models and rules based on uncertainty and evolution in the relative universality theory. The article tries to extrapolate the theory of « relative universality » developed by Jack Donnelly as regards the concept of human rights to the main concepts of IR such as sovereignty, State, power, security, gain, national interest, order and values. In response to the question of why the IR concepts are universal and absolute in their pivotal core as well as relative and contextual in their fluid, soft and gelatinous shell, the article concludes, through an explicative method, that it is due to the paradoxical nature of glocalization era in which the dialectics of unity in values and plurality in methods leads to the mutual construction and dynamics interaction of particularity and generality in the framework of « relative universality ».The present study aimed to clarify the connectivity and complementarity of relative and universal affairs in international relations. Believing that, based on the “unity despite plurality” approach, it is possible to have one worldview despite the plurality of methods, it would be possible to have the basic, fixed, general, and universal principles, despite having secondary, multiple, diverse, numerous, changing, and specific models and rules based on uncertainty and evolution in the relative universality theory. The article tries to extrapolate the theory of « relative universality » developed by Jack Donnelly as regards the concept of human rights to the main concepts of IR such as sovereignty, State, power, security, gain, national interest, order and values. In response to the question of why the IR concepts are universal and absolute in their pivotal core as well as relative and contextual in their fluid, soft and gelatinous shell, the article concludes, through an explicative method, that it is due to the paradoxical nature of glocalization era in which the dialectics of unity in values and plurality in methods leads to the mutual construction and dynamics interaction of particularity and generality in the framework of « relative universality ».https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_92479_cce941f56e8663a890feaf410ae73f4a.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-84449120190522The Middle East strategy of Europe towards the United States since the Arab springThe Middle East strategy of Europe towards the United States since the Arab spring6510092480FAAmirNiakoueeAssociate Professor of Political Science, University of Guilan0000-0001-8865-8824SaeedPirmohammadiPhD Student of Political Science and International Relations, University of GuilanJournal Article20190827The dissolution of soviet union and the formation of a new international power structure in the last decade of the twenty century have affected international actors to adopt new security strategies in order to maintain their securities. developments present paper seeks to explain the nature of Western European security shields in the context of a global unipolar system, using Waltz's Structural Realist Theory and the Moderated Model by Birthe Hansen and Peter Taft and Andres Wivel. The period of this research is between 2011 and 2017, and three developments in the Arab Spring, the nuclear issue of Iran, and the Arab-Israeli peace process, have been considered in order to measure convergence and divergence in transatlantic political-security relations.The A glimpse of the EU's Middle East security strategy suggests that the European security strategy for Iran's nuclear program is a combination of soft bandwagoning and soft balances, while in the Arab Spring, the difficult follow-up in the current Arab struggle And Israel's soft balance has been the dominant element of Europe's security strategy.findings of the paper indicate that in the light of the use of three independent variables of relative strength, relative security and relative ideology, one can explain and derive European security strategies. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and data collection is done by the library method.The dissolution of soviet union and the formation of a new international power structure in the last decade of the twenty century have affected international actors to adopt new security strategies in order to maintain their securities. developments present paper seeks to explain the nature of Western European security shields in the context of a global unipolar system, using Waltz's Structural Realist Theory and the Moderated Model by Birthe Hansen and Peter Taft and Andres Wivel. The period of this research is between 2011 and 2017, and three developments in the Arab Spring, the nuclear issue of Iran, and the Arab-Israeli peace process, have been considered in order to measure convergence and divergence in transatlantic political-security relations.The A glimpse of the EU's Middle East security strategy suggests that the European security strategy for Iran's nuclear program is a combination of soft bandwagoning and soft balances, while in the Arab Spring, the difficult follow-up in the current Arab struggle And Israel's soft balance has been the dominant element of Europe's security strategy.findings of the paper indicate that in the light of the use of three independent variables of relative strength, relative security and relative ideology, one can explain and derive European security strategies. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and data collection is done by the library method.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_92480_69f101f7b7ac805b0c07eccc8040e68f.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-84449120190522The Problem of Causality in International Relations TheoriesThe Problem of Causality in International Relations Theories101122101035FASeyed JalalDehghani Firooz AbadiProfessor of International Relations, Allameh Tabataba'i University0000-0003-1055-531XMajidDashtgerdPhD student in International Relations at Allameh Tabatabai UniversityJournal Article20200109The question of causality, whether or not it is possible to explain causality in international politics, is one of the most important transnational issues in the field of international relations that has attracted the attention of many scholars and theoretical schools in this field. In this study we attempt to draw a general schema of the controversy and debate of international relations theorists on the cause of causation and to show what spectrum of attitudes and approaches have generally formed in the field of international relations theorizing. To this end, we first present a general framework of transnational themes of international relations, then incorporate various theories into this framework and outline their attitudes towards the issue of causality. This macro framework comprises three types of positivism, post positivism, and anti-positivism. Positivism encompasses mainstream attitudes based on realist ontology and fundamentalist epistemology, post positivism incorporates moderate approaches, and anti positivism refers to radical and postmodern attitudes that are in stark contrast to positivism.<br /><br />The question of causality, whether or not it is possible to explain causality in international politics, is one of the most important transnational issues in the field of international relations that has attracted the attention of many scholars and theoretical schools in this field. In this study we attempt to draw a general schema of the controversy and debate of international relations theorists on the cause of causation and to show what spectrum of attitudes and approaches have generally formed in the field of international relations theorizing. To this end, we first present a general framework of transnational themes of international relations, then incorporate various theories into this framework and outline their attitudes towards the issue of causality. This macro framework comprises three types of positivism, post positivism, and anti-positivism. Positivism encompasses mainstream attitudes based on realist ontology and fundamentalist epistemology, post positivism incorporates moderate approaches, and anti positivism refers to radical and postmodern attitudes that are in stark contrast to positivism.<br /><br />https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_101035_46e951b4afac82bcc49cc3fa8065f65b.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-84449120190522Re-defining Japan's security policy and its national and international implicationsRe-defining Japan's security policy and its national and international implications12315892482FAZeinabFarhadiPhD student in International Relations Tarbiat Modarres UniversityBaharehSazmandAssociate Professor, Department of Regional Studies, University of Tehran0000-0003-4838-8430Seyyed MasoudMousavi ShafaeeAssociate Professor, Department of International Relations, Tarbiat Modarres UniversityMohsenEslamiAssistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Tarbiat Modarres UniversityJournal Article20190827In the post-Cold War era, the growing challenges in the international system and East Asia region defined new behavioral requirements for Japan and it led Japan to do changes in its security policy foundations and settings. In this process, Japan took positive steps towards normalizing its defense policy, which led to Japan's distancing from a passive and dependent foreign policy in the international system and approaching a government with a high potential for international and regional influence. Removing the ban from arms exports, interpretation of the Japanese Constitution (paragraph 9) in 2015, changes in the guidelines of defense alliance with USA with an emphasis on active Japan are all indicating Japan's security policy change in recent years. By reviewing the above statements, this question arises that what the consequences of continuous and progressive transformation aimed at reviving Japan's role in security trends at the national and international levels are. In response to this question, the research hypothesis is based on this fact that in the national dimension, strengthening its deterrence and expanding its role in the field of arms and in international affairs, strengthening USA's hegemony and changing Japan's military cooperation and influence in the international community and the various regions are among the most significant implications for Japan's strategic change. The research methodology is descriptive and analytical, and the data collection method will be based on international documents and statistics.In the post-Cold War era, the growing challenges in the international system and East Asia region defined new behavioral requirements for Japan and it led Japan to do changes in its security policy foundations and settings. In this process, Japan took positive steps towards normalizing its defense policy, which led to Japan's distancing from a passive and dependent foreign policy in the international system and approaching a government with a high potential for international and regional influence. Removing the ban from arms exports, interpretation of the Japanese Constitution (paragraph 9) in 2015, changes in the guidelines of defense alliance with USA with an emphasis on active Japan are all indicating Japan's security policy change in recent years. By reviewing the above statements, this question arises that what the consequences of continuous and progressive transformation aimed at reviving Japan's role in security trends at the national and international levels are. In response to this question, the research hypothesis is based on this fact that in the national dimension, strengthening its deterrence and expanding its role in the field of arms and in international affairs, strengthening USA's hegemony and changing Japan's military cooperation and influence in the international community and the various regions are among the most significant implications for Japan's strategic change. The research methodology is descriptive and analytical, and the data collection method will be based on international documents and statistics.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_92482_56630dee1ec33a18b7737e16fbd00c4c.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-84449120190522The Non-European Regional Security Orders
an English School ViewThe Non-European Regional Security Orders
an English School View15918694058FARuhollahTalebi AraniFaculty Member of Shahid Beheshti University, Department of Global and Regional PolicyNureddinAkbari Karim AbadiPhD student in International Relations at Shahid Beheshti UniversityJournal Article20191004Order, and region have become the most important concepts in IR scholarship, since little analyses can be found which does deal with; in the meanwhile, an important but undertheorized point is the situation of <em>regional orders</em> in the international real, which seems to converge these two concepts under an umbrella concept, requiring a due theorization. In doing so, the article asks the theoretical question: why does not an endogenous regional order in non-European regional international societies following the emergence of states society in the regional level? In answering this question, drawing English school, it can be argued that differences in the sovereignty experiences seen by states within non-European regional international societies seems to lead the state formations and intra-regional conflicts not to form an endogenous regional security within them as a result of their security dependence to extra-regional actors as well as extra-regional actors’ involvement. Using a descriptive-analytical method focusing on the qualitative content analysis, the article concludes that applying this theoretical model to world regions can contribute to international and regional analyses on the basis of an English School view, and by linking them, open up a new horizon toward IR and Regional Studies.Order, and region have become the most important concepts in IR scholarship, since little analyses can be found which does deal with; in the meanwhile, an important but undertheorized point is the situation of <em>regional orders</em> in the international real, which seems to converge these two concepts under an umbrella concept, requiring a due theorization. In doing so, the article asks the theoretical question: why does not an endogenous regional order in non-European regional international societies following the emergence of states society in the regional level? In answering this question, drawing English school, it can be argued that differences in the sovereignty experiences seen by states within non-European regional international societies seems to lead the state formations and intra-regional conflicts not to form an endogenous regional security within them as a result of their security dependence to extra-regional actors as well as extra-regional actors’ involvement. Using a descriptive-analytical method focusing on the qualitative content analysis, the article concludes that applying this theoretical model to world regions can contribute to international and regional analyses on the basis of an English School view, and by linking them, open up a new horizon toward IR and Regional Studies.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_94058_dd6dcef965b35509124de51f84d692fa.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-84449120190522Russian Foreign Policy Towards the Islamic Republic of Iran
2012-2018Russian Foreign Policy Towards the Islamic Republic of Iran
2012-201818721897153FAFarhadFouladiStudent of Political Science and International Relations, Tabriz Islamic Azad UniversityMohammadYousefi JoybariAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Islamic Azad University of TabrizJafarJamshide RadAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Islamic Azad University of TabrizJournal Article20191204After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia began its role in the rank of regional powers and globalization with a shift in its strategic priorities. The Islamic Republic of Iran has had a distinct place in Russian foreign policy since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Relations between Russia and Iran, apart from the requirements of geographical proximity, historical records, economic cooperation, and regional relations have always been one of the issues of concern at the three domestic levels among the Iranian and Russian, regional and international elites. During Putin’s presidency, especially since 2012, Iran has gained significant position in Russian foreign policy and has shifted its focus to Russian strategic partnership in the Middle East and the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this regard, broader Iran-Russia relations in the political, economic, military and security fields were promoted at two strategic allies levels. This main question is arisen: what has been the attitude of EU and Russian foreign policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran between 2012 and 2018? In response, it should be noted that Russia’s main foreign policy approach to the Islamic Republic of Iran has been affected by the Russian identity difference from the West and similarities with the Islamic Republic of Iran in contrast to the West. The research method was descriptive-analytical and the data were collected by documentary method and internet resources.After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia began its role in the rank of regional powers and globalization with a shift in its strategic priorities. The Islamic Republic of Iran has had a distinct place in Russian foreign policy since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Relations between Russia and Iran, apart from the requirements of geographical proximity, historical records, economic cooperation, and regional relations have always been one of the issues of concern at the three domestic levels among the Iranian and Russian, regional and international elites. During Putin’s presidency, especially since 2012, Iran has gained significant position in Russian foreign policy and has shifted its focus to Russian strategic partnership in the Middle East and the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this regard, broader Iran-Russia relations in the political, economic, military and security fields were promoted at two strategic allies levels. This main question is arisen: what has been the attitude of EU and Russian foreign policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran between 2012 and 2018? In response, it should be noted that Russia’s main foreign policy approach to the Islamic Republic of Iran has been affected by the Russian identity difference from the West and similarities with the Islamic Republic of Iran in contrast to the West. The research method was descriptive-analytical and the data were collected by documentary method and internet resources.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_97153_2873e4387a3df263e72ae7cf25ee06c8.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-84449120190522Turkey’s Foreign Policy toward the Black Sea Region after the Cold WarTurkey’s Foreign Policy toward the Black Sea Region after the Cold War21924297238FAMahdiehHeydariDoctor of International Relations, Allameh Tabataba'i UniversityJournal Article20191206Ankara pursues its foreign policy with its neighbors around the Black Sea and elsewhere on the basis of bi- and multi-lateral relationships. It also becomes once again affirmed that the major focus of Turkey’s foreign policy vis-à-vis the Black Sea region is mainly linked to the preservation of the status quo in the maritime domain. This would include not only keeping the Montreux Convention requirements valid and in force, but also preventing a penetration of any other power into the region that might possibly change the so-called regional balance, thereby questioning Turkey’s sovereign power over the Straits. Against this backdrop, it can be argued that despite the fact that Turkey is one of the most powerful and influential Black Sea littoral countries, it has not, and cannot, create an internal drive for intra-regional coalescence.Ankara pursues its foreign policy with its neighbors around the Black Sea and elsewhere on the basis of bi- and multi-lateral relationships. It also becomes once again affirmed that the major focus of Turkey’s foreign policy vis-à-vis the Black Sea region is mainly linked to the preservation of the status quo in the maritime domain. This would include not only keeping the Montreux Convention requirements valid and in force, but also preventing a penetration of any other power into the region that might possibly change the so-called regional balance, thereby questioning Turkey’s sovereign power over the Straits. Against this backdrop, it can be argued that despite the fact that Turkey is one of the most powerful and influential Black Sea littoral countries, it has not, and cannot, create an internal drive for intra-regional coalescence.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_97238_75cb31c968b4c59d92e02b44c03e86a7.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-84449120190522The Political Economy of Oil and its Impact on Social Development of IranThe Political Economy of Oil and its Impact on Social Development of Iran243280101595FAHosseinSheikhzadehAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Kharazmi UniversityJournal Article20200116The main purpose of the present study is to investigate the impact of oil on Iranian social development with emphasis on urbanization and social mobility. According to research data, there is a relationship between increasing oil revenues on the one hand and social mobility and urbanization expansion (with comparative and comparative research approach) on the other. The research period ranges from the 1920s to the early 1990s. The research is mixed and quantitative (qualitative and qualitative) in terms of purpose, applied and descriptive in nature. This study uses library studies, and in particular, the examination of official documents. Based on research data and by considering disaster or resource curse theory, oil income as an independent variable has contributed to the expansion of urbanization and social mobility in Iran through government policies (the mediating variable), however, the overwhelming migration of cities, especially large cities. And metropolises have led to the emergence of suburbs. On the other hand, allocating oil revenues to cities has increased inequality between the city and the countryside and reduced social justice. Based on the results of this study, oil-rich countries can escape the curse of resources by properly managing oil revenues. The results of this paper can provide a model for endogenous development in oil-rich countries.The main purpose of the present study is to investigate the impact of oil on Iranian social development with emphasis on urbanization and social mobility. According to research data, there is a relationship between increasing oil revenues on the one hand and social mobility and urbanization expansion (with comparative and comparative research approach) on the other. The research period ranges from the 1920s to the early 1990s. The research is mixed and quantitative (qualitative and qualitative) in terms of purpose, applied and descriptive in nature. This study uses library studies, and in particular, the examination of official documents. Based on research data and by considering disaster or resource curse theory, oil income as an independent variable has contributed to the expansion of urbanization and social mobility in Iran through government policies (the mediating variable), however, the overwhelming migration of cities, especially large cities. And metropolises have led to the emergence of suburbs. On the other hand, allocating oil revenues to cities has increased inequality between the city and the countryside and reduced social justice. Based on the results of this study, oil-rich countries can escape the curse of resources by properly managing oil revenues. The results of this paper can provide a model for endogenous development in oil-rich countries.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_101595_f7309d2128adebc7a9e35acfdfd00ffe.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-84449120190522The Risk of Litigation in International TradeThe Risk of Litigation in International Trade281307101596FAKarimiGholamrezaDepartment of Law, UAE Branch, Islamic Azad University, Dubai, United Arab EmiratesHosseinMehrpourProfessor, Department of Law, Shahid Beheshti UniversityManouchehrTavassoli NaeeniAssociate Professor, Department of Law, University of IsfahanJournal Article20200116Letters of credit are one of the most important methods of paying for goods in international trade. Despite the significant and significant advantages of LCs, this payment method does not completely eliminate the risk of trading in international trade. One of the most important risks in payment based on LC is fraud risk. The risk of fraud is related to the likelihood of fraud occurring in the process of payment of a credit, which is of two types: fraud is committed either in relation to the documents presented to the bank or in connection with the underlying transaction in the L / C. The courts of different countries have dealt with these two types of fraud in accordance with the USP regulations, which are the rules governing LCs. While noting the concept of LC fraud as one of the most important risks associated with this method of payment, the result of the LCP fraud process is both in relation to the underlying transaction fraud and in the case of fraud in the transaction. Examine the documentation provided to pay for the goods. Given the independence of the underlying transaction from the LCP, it appears that the courts are less willing to accept claims of fraud in the underlying transaction for issuing a non-payment order. In this paper, the authors have done a descriptive-analytical approach using a library method.Letters of credit are one of the most important methods of paying for goods in international trade. Despite the significant and significant advantages of LCs, this payment method does not completely eliminate the risk of trading in international trade. One of the most important risks in payment based on LC is fraud risk. The risk of fraud is related to the likelihood of fraud occurring in the process of payment of a credit, which is of two types: fraud is committed either in relation to the documents presented to the bank or in connection with the underlying transaction in the L / C. The courts of different countries have dealt with these two types of fraud in accordance with the USP regulations, which are the rules governing LCs. While noting the concept of LC fraud as one of the most important risks associated with this method of payment, the result of the LCP fraud process is both in relation to the underlying transaction fraud and in the case of fraud in the transaction. Examine the documentation provided to pay for the goods. Given the independence of the underlying transaction from the LCP, it appears that the courts are less willing to accept claims of fraud in the underlying transaction for issuing a non-payment order. In this paper, the authors have done a descriptive-analytical approach using a library method.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_101596_24f2987c44780b6a2281557109c5dab2.pdf