The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 The Foreign Policy Approach of Iran toward the Pro-independence Actions of Iraqi Kurdistan The Foreign Policy Approach of Iran toward the Pro-independence Actions of Iraqi Kurdistan 7 32 113621 FA Housin PourAhmadi Mibodi Professor martyr Beheshti University 0000-0002-8210-529X Saber Ghiyasi Shahid Beheshti University Journal Article 2020 09 02 Iraq, since its political existence as a State from 1921 until today, has been concerned with the issue of Kurdish autonomy and its borders in the north of the country. The KRG was formed in 1991 with the declaration of a no-fly zone by the United Nations, but with the fall of Saddam in 2003 entered a new phase in which it was able to infiltrate Iraq and use the ten years of regional government experience to draft a constitution. Have active, The government has emerged as an active partisan in Iraq's political activities and programs since the 2005 elections, and has sought independence from Iraq since 2007, resuming disputes and tensions with the central government. The efforts of the Kurdistan Region for independence from Iraq, in addition to affecting the national security and political stability of Iraq, can also affect the regional and internal security of neighboring countries, including Iran and Turkey. This caused Iran-Turkey relations to move towards a temporary coalition, especially after the referendum on the independence. The importance of the issue is such that the geographical proximity and the extent of political-economic and cultural interactions of neighbors, as well as their mutual vulnerability have made it possible to assess the security and insecurity in this region in an undeniable way. Accordingly, the present study will use a descriptive-analytical method to investigate the process of independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region and the approach of Iran and Turkey to it. Iraq, since its political existence as a State from 1921 until today, has been concerned with the issue of Kurdish autonomy and its borders in the north of the country. The KRG was formed in 1991 with the declaration of a no-fly zone by the United Nations, but with the fall of Saddam in 2003 entered a new phase in which it was able to infiltrate Iraq and use the ten years of regional government experience to draft a constitution. Have active, The government has emerged as an active partisan in Iraq's political activities and programs since the 2005 elections, and has sought independence from Iraq since 2007, resuming disputes and tensions with the central government. The efforts of the Kurdistan Region for independence from Iraq, in addition to affecting the national security and political stability of Iraq, can also affect the regional and internal security of neighboring countries, including Iran and Turkey. This caused Iran-Turkey relations to move towards a temporary coalition, especially after the referendum on the independence. The importance of the issue is such that the geographical proximity and the extent of political-economic and cultural interactions of neighbors, as well as their mutual vulnerability have made it possible to assess the security and insecurity in this region in an undeniable way. Accordingly, the present study will use a descriptive-analytical method to investigate the process of independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region and the approach of Iran and Turkey to it. https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113621_9df61e97fae3728958684d5a934163ca.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 Explanation the position of Lebanon’s Hezbollah in Syria's defense strategy (2011-2018) Explanation the position of Lebanon’s Hezbollah in Syria's defense strategy (2011-2018) 33 58 113623 FA Ali Esmaeili . 0000-0002-4856-3035 محمدعلی شهریاری Hadi Hekmatian Journal Article 2020 09 02 Hezbollah and Syria's strategic relationship, despite its ups and downs, has been one of the most enduring regional strategic relationships in recent decades. But the emergence of the Syrian crisis since 2011 in the context of the civil war has deepened and expended these strategic relationships, as far as, Hezbollah has played a vital role in maintaining the structure of the Syrian government since the crisis unfolded. As a result, the role and position of Lebanon’s Hezbollah in Syria's defense strategy after the crisis in Syria Has become important. In this regard, this research has centered its review on answering this central question, what was the position of Lebanon’s Hezbollah in the Syrian defense strategy during the Syrian crisis from 2011 to 2018? The research findings are based on this that in Syrian Crisis from 2011 until 2018, Lebanon’s Hezbollah as a non-governmental actor in the region and in line with Iran's strategy played a significant role in the Syrian government's defense Strategy against internal conflict groups and interfering regional and global powers. So that, it has become one of the main pillars of the Syrian government's defense strategy. Also, Hezbollah as a powerful and efficient tool, It has contributed greatly to strengthening the Syrian government's defense policy. So that, it has failed to make any predictions that the Syrian government would be overthrown. The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library and internet resources Hezbollah and Syria's strategic relationship, despite its ups and downs, has been one of the most enduring regional strategic relationships in recent decades. But the emergence of the Syrian crisis since 2011 in the context of the civil war has deepened and expended these strategic relationships, as far as, Hezbollah has played a vital role in maintaining the structure of the Syrian government since the crisis unfolded. As a result, the role and position of Lebanon’s Hezbollah in Syria's defense strategy after the crisis in Syria Has become important. In this regard, this research has centered its review on answering this central question, what was the position of Lebanon’s Hezbollah in the Syrian defense strategy during the Syrian crisis from 2011 to 2018? The research findings are based on this that in Syrian Crisis from 2011 until 2018, Lebanon’s Hezbollah as a non-governmental actor in the region and in line with Iran's strategy played a significant role in the Syrian government's defense Strategy against internal conflict groups and interfering regional and global powers. So that, it has become one of the main pillars of the Syrian government's defense strategy. Also, Hezbollah as a powerful and efficient tool, It has contributed greatly to strengthening the Syrian government's defense policy. So that, it has failed to make any predictions that the Syrian government would be overthrown. The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library and internet resources

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113623_629d14dee122bd249806fdbf42245fd3.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 Kurdistan’s Independence in Israel’s Politics; an Analysis based on Giddens’s Structuration Theory Kurdistan’s Independence in Israel’s Politics; an Analysis based on Giddens’s Structuration Theory 59 84 113624 FA Hasan Khodaverdi 0000-0002-7308-6664 Mohammad Shirzadeh Asl Sharbiani Journal Article 2020 04 02 Zionist regime has faced numerous problems because of not being known legitimate from the side of Arabic and non-Arabic countries; especially Islamic Republic of Iran. To come out of political isolation and being known as a legitimate regime,Israel has turned its attention to unity with Islamic non-Arabic countries in western Asia; especially the Kurds.. The reason why Kurds play an important role in peripheral unity policy is that the Kurds are the biggest nation without a government in the world and therefor promise for an independent Kurdish government is considered to be a strong motivation for them to cooperate with regional and non-regional powers. This article is an attempt to answer questions: How are geopolitics of post-Saddam Iraq, and Kurdistan region in the frame work of structuration theory explained? How are Israel’s activities in Kurdistan in the frame work of structuration theory explained? How do these activities change power balance in western Asia? The investigated data are gathered using library method and also via interviewing Iranian diplomats occupying political positions in Kurdistan. analyzed on the basis of the concepts sources, rules, power and signification. Studies show Israel’s activities in Kurdistan is an attempt to gain sources with the aim of gaining legitimacy and signification for its presence in next steps through ratifying Kurdistan’s independence. Zionist regime has faced numerous problems because of not being known legitimate from the side of Arabic and non-Arabic countries; especially Islamic Republic of Iran. To come out of political isolation and being known as a legitimate regime,Israel has turned its attention to unity with Islamic non-Arabic countries in western Asia; especially the Kurds.. The reason why Kurds play an important role in peripheral unity policy is that the Kurds are the biggest nation without a government in the world and therefor promise for an independent Kurdish government is considered to be a strong motivation for them to cooperate with regional and non-regional powers. This article is an attempt to answer questions: How are geopolitics of post-Saddam Iraq, and Kurdistan region in the frame work of structuration theory explained? How are Israel’s activities in Kurdistan in the frame work of structuration theory explained? How do these activities change power balance in western Asia? The investigated data are gathered using library method and also via interviewing Iranian diplomats occupying political positions in Kurdistan. analyzed on the basis of the concepts sources, rules, power and signification. Studies show Israel’s activities in Kurdistan is an attempt to gain sources with the aim of gaining legitimacy and signification for its presence in next steps through ratifying Kurdistan’s independence.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113624_7201527bfc8751683fdf19af3e033d63.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 The impact of the system International in designing and developing national development models The impact of the system International in designing and developing national development models 85 108 113625 FA Alireza Soltani 0000-0003-0936-3257 Journal Article 2020 09 02 The pattern of national development is, in fact, the presentation of a local pattern of development, distinct from the prevailing pattern or patterns of development. It is important to note that the Islamic-Iranian model of progress after design is to become, in practice, a roadmap for the development of the country and to emerge as an independent model with unique characteristics. The implementation of this model requires that its approaches and teachings be realistic in accordance with national and local conditions and characteristics with a global perspective. The dynamism, sustainability and efficiency of any development model depends on not being confined to political boundaries but by playing a global role. The question that can be asked is what approach and behavior should the Islamic-Iranian model of progress for sustainability and efficiency take in the global arena and in relation to other models, especially the ruling model? In answer to the above question, it is emphasized that the Islamic-Iranian model of progress, if active (active) interacts with the international environment and in relation to the prevailing patterns of globalization, can maintain its efficiency, effectiveness and dynamism and create a role model in the world. The pattern of national development is, in fact, the presentation of a local pattern of development, distinct from the prevailing pattern or patterns of development. It is important to note that the Islamic-Iranian model of progress after design is to become, in practice, a roadmap for the development of the country and to emerge as an independent model with unique characteristics. The implementation of this model requires that its approaches and teachings be realistic in accordance with national and local conditions and characteristics with a global perspective. The dynamism, sustainability and efficiency of any development model depends on not being confined to political boundaries but by playing a global role. The question that can be asked is what approach and behavior should the Islamic-Iranian model of progress for sustainability and efficiency take in the global arena and in relation to other models, especially the ruling model? In answer to the above question, it is emphasized that the Islamic-Iranian model of progress, if active (active) interacts with the international environment and in relation to the prevailing patterns of globalization, can maintain its efficiency, effectiveness and dynamism and create a role model in the world.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113625_397c1d54db9987005bab782a51e3c815.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 Rules and mechanisms of the international community and Iran in the field of maritime crimes Rules and mechanisms of the international community and Iran in the field of maritime crimes 109 122 125357 FA Javad Foroghifar Ali Mazidi Sharaf Abadi Mohamad Reza Rahmat Journal Article 2021 01 31 In the absence of a legitimate central authority or universal sovereignty, the international community of states has faced challenges in overcoming the benefits of the seas as a territory for the expansion of international trade, including the challenge of maritime crime, in order to overcome these challenges. Governments have adopted efforts, policies and mechanisms, In this regard, in this study with the aim of "explaining, explaining, analyzing the legislative criminal policy of piracy in domestic and international rules based on scientific findings, valid documents and new ideas in legislative policies" and in a descriptive-analytical method and using From various library sources and texts and documents and legal ideas, the following results have been obtained: The rules and regulations of the international community, despite the criminalization of piracy, have been ineffective not only in terms of regulation but also in terms of regime-building and implementation due to conflicts of interest and difficulties in defining piracy crimes. In the absence of a legitimate central authority or universal sovereignty, the international community of states has faced challenges in overcoming the benefits of the seas as a territory for the expansion of international trade, including the challenge of maritime crime, in order to overcome these challenges. Governments have adopted efforts, policies and mechanisms, In this regard, in this study with the aim of "explaining, explaining, analyzing the legislative criminal policy of piracy in domestic and international rules based on scientific findings, valid documents and new ideas in legislative policies" and in a descriptive-analytical method and using From various library sources and texts and documents and legal ideas, the following results have been obtained: The rules and regulations of the international community, despite the criminalization of piracy, have been ineffective not only in terms of regulation but also in terms of regime-building and implementation due to conflicts of interest and difficulties in defining piracy crimes.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_125357_b1cb722788910dd613689b8977f8260a.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 The impact of China's raising on international trade order (2001-2020) The impact of China's raising on international trade order (2001-2020) 123 154 113146 FA Seyed Said Mirtorabi . Mohsen Keshvarian Azad Journal Article 2020 06 08 The international trade order was developed In the following Bretton Woods system with the establishment of the GATT in 1948, (1995 World Trade) in the field of international political economy led by the United States and its Western partners with Implement the principles of commercial liberalization. Now, China's economic raising has caused that This state be considered as an effective actor in the international trade order. The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of the Chinese raising on the international trade order and to answer the question that how has China's raising after 2001 affected on the international trade order? in response, it is assumed that the Chinese raising disrupted the functioning of the multilateral free trade regime and weakened the position of the West and the United States in it, and led to the expansion of regional free trade agreements. The research method is qualitative analysis. Findings show that China with rapid expansion of trade capability, Disrupting entry into the WTO, such as agricultural subsidy disruption, discrimination in support of national companies and so on , And the expansion of regional free trade agreements, The pro-Western multilateral trade regime has affected and And has disrupted it. The international trade order was developed In the following Bretton Woods system with the establishment of the GATT in 1948, (1995 World Trade) in the field of international political economy led by the United States and its Western partners with Implement the principles of commercial liberalization. Now, China's economic raising has caused that This state be considered as an effective actor in the international trade order. The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of the Chinese raising on the international trade order and to answer the question that how has China's raising after 2001 affected on the international trade order? in response, it is assumed that the Chinese raising disrupted the functioning of the multilateral free trade regime and weakened the position of the West and the United States in it, and led to the expansion of regional free trade agreements. The research method is qualitative analysis. Findings show that China with rapid expansion of trade capability, Disrupting entry into the WTO, such as agricultural subsidy disruption, discrimination in support of national companies and so on , And the expansion of regional free trade agreements, The pro-Western multilateral trade regime has affected and And has disrupted it.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113146_dbd234daab8899daa26bbcd36f75c870.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 Hybrid Warfare: The US Approach to the Islamic Republic of Iran Hybrid Warfare: The US Approach to the Islamic Republic of Iran 155 180 113635 FA Hadi Ebrahimikiapei Journal Article 2020 09 02 The United States has been the most important international player for Iran for the past half century. Four decades after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, this country has always sought to change its relations with Iran. The United States' longing for the loss of its closest ally in the Middle East led to a massive effort to restore pre-revolutionary conditions. To return to the pre-revolutionary conditions, this country has taken different approaches to Iran since the beginning of the victory of the revolution. According to many military analysts and strategists, the country's failure to approach a tough war approach such as the attack on Tabas, the Iraq war, the USS Vince attack on an Iranian airliner, and the threat of a military strike or soft war approach such as propaganda, war. Psychology led him to pursue a new approach to Iran in the late fourth and early fifth decades. An approach that is referred to in political and military circles as hybrid warfare. The present study, by enumerating the indicators of this type of war, examines the components of the US combined war against Iran. The findings of the study confirm that most of the components of the combined war have clear examples in the behavior of this country in the face of Iran in the late fourth decade and early fifth decade The United States has been the most important international player for Iran for the past half century. Four decades after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, this country has always sought to change its relations with Iran. The United States' longing for the loss of its closest ally in the Middle East led to a massive effort to restore pre-revolutionary conditions. To return to the pre-revolutionary conditions, this country has taken different approaches to Iran since the beginning of the victory of the revolution. According to many military analysts and strategists, the country's failure to approach a tough war approach such as the attack on Tabas, the Iraq war, the USS Vince attack on an Iranian airliner, and the threat of a military strike or soft war approach such as propaganda, war. Psychology led him to pursue a new approach to Iran in the late fourth and early fifth decades. An approach that is referred to in political and military circles as hybrid warfare. The present study, by enumerating the indicators of this type of war, examines the components of the US combined war against Iran. The findings of the study confirm that most of the components of the combined war have clear examples in the behavior of this country in the face of Iran in the late fourth decade and early fifth decade

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113635_a215578c8e0b9df3f3f1202ac8c37d14.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 New-Regionalism in West Asia and Southeast Asia: A Comparative Reflection New-Regionalism in West Asia and Southeast Asia: A Comparative Reflection 181 218 118119 FA Roya Nejad Zandeyh Roohollah Talebi Arani 0009-0000-7200-1000 Journal Article 2020 02 24 Current global politics can be organized in terms of state, continent, and region. Thus, not least during recent three decades. region, both as a level of analysis and as a unit of analysis, has increasingly received scholarly attention. Moreover, a lot of emerging problems embedded in the international spherelack a national and/or global solution. It is easy to resolve regionally. This fact has been more prominent in theasian regions. In the meanwhile, West Asia and Southeast Asia are among regions gone through regionalism continuously. The paper aims to compare regionalism in these two regions by drawing on an appropriate conceptual framework. In doing so, the question is that which these reions has been more successful in promoting new regionalism during recent three decades? In answering, differences and similarities between them will be identified. In order to gather data, we shall use both qualitative and quantitative methods, and in oder to analize data, we will drw on content analysis. The finding is that Southeast Asia has been more successful in promoting new regionalism during recent three decades, which can pave the ground for research on a comparative prospect on new regionalism in West Asia and Southeast Asia and a critical reflection on it. Current global politics can be organized in terms of state, continent, and region. Thus, not least during recent three decades. region, both as a level of analysis and as a unit of analysis, has increasingly received scholarly attention. Moreover, a lot of emerging problems embedded in the international spherelack a national and/or global solution. It is easy to resolve regionally. This fact has been more prominent in theasian regions. In the meanwhile, West Asia and Southeast Asia are among regions gone through regionalism continuously. The paper aims to compare regionalism in these two regions by drawing on an appropriate conceptual framework. In doing so, the question is that which these reions has been more successful in promoting new regionalism during recent three decades? In answering, differences and similarities between them will be identified. In order to gather data, we shall use both qualitative and quantitative methods, and in oder to analize data, we will drw on content analysis. The finding is that Southeast Asia has been more successful in promoting new regionalism during recent three decades, which can pave the ground for research on a comparative prospect on new regionalism in West Asia and Southeast Asia and a critical reflection on it.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_118119_7ff1b479b3e3ab1c36cef6b080f211ca.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 Exploring the Theories and Processes of government Formation in the Western World and Islam Exploring the Theories and Processes of government Formation in the Western World and Islam 219 239 113636 FA Mojtaba Ghanbardost Akbar Ashrafi Journal Article 2020 09 02 There are numerous theories about the State such as "legal", "pluralism", "functionalism", "developmental" and "class state" theories that lead to the creation of "conservative", "liberal", "democratic", "fascist", "Communist", "welfare" and "neoliberal" theory of state that have become the norm in Western civilization. The experiences of state-building in Islamic civilization also led to Sunni governments to secular monarchies or secular democracies, and in addition to the short-lived experience of the Imamate system in Shi'ism, the Shi'ite governments came to despotic monarchies during the absence of a constitutional model. The aspiration to regain power and increase parliamentary powers was also experienced in Iran. But the process of state-building after the Islamic Revolution of Iran, using the experiences of past state-building, has entered a new and important stage of state-building for the realization of a “new Islamic civilization”. At the present stage, the Islamic Republic system has been established as a turning point and the first experience of Shi'a political history in religious democracy, with the current state-building mechanism based on the dynamic political jurisprudence and the centrality of "Velayat-e Faqih" with "religious democracy" and "The constitution» Based on the human experience of other societies has been introduced as a new paradigm for the Islamic State. However, based on the "descriptive-analytical" approach in this study, theories of government and the process of state-building in the Western world and Islam as the state-building experience for the model of the Islamic Republic of Iran are discussed. There are numerous theories about the State such as "legal", "pluralism", "functionalism", "developmental" and "class state" theories that lead to the creation of "conservative", "liberal", "democratic", "fascist", "Communist", "welfare" and "neoliberal" theory of state that have become the norm in Western civilization. The experiences of state-building in Islamic civilization also led to Sunni governments to secular monarchies or secular democracies, and in addition to the short-lived experience of the Imamate system in Shi'ism, the Shi'ite governments came to despotic monarchies during the absence of a constitutional model. The aspiration to regain power and increase parliamentary powers was also experienced in Iran. But the process of state-building after the Islamic Revolution of Iran, using the experiences of past state-building, has entered a new and important stage of state-building for the realization of a “new Islamic civilization”. At the present stage, the Islamic Republic system has been established as a turning point and the first experience of Shi'a political history in religious democracy, with the current state-building mechanism based on the dynamic political jurisprudence and the centrality of "Velayat-e Faqih" with "religious democracy" and "The constitution» Based on the human experience of other societies has been introduced as a new paradigm for the Islamic State. However, based on the "descriptive-analytical" approach in this study, theories of government and the process of state-building in the Western world and Islam as the state-building experience for the model of the Islamic Republic of Iran are discussed.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113636_9f3715bb1952be29c8a25fb1c0e8a3a2.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 Feasibility study for the formation of order and security in the post-American region Feasibility study for the formation of order and security in the post-American region 241 254 125446 FA Ebrahim Meraji International relations, faculty of management, Islamic azad university, tehran north branch, Tehran, Iran 0000-0003-3777-7561 Hossein Daheshiar Allameh Tabatabaee University Journal Article 2021 02 02 The region of West Asia and the Middle East has witnessed the presence of American forces as a major and influential player for decades, and the order of this region has been formed based on its presence and influence. It is clear that the US regional presence has not led to comprehensive security in the region, and relations between the countries are tense and unstable today. Given the negative attitude of some countries in the region, including Iran, to this presence and the possibility of the withdrawal of American troops from the region, the important question arises that with the withdrawal of US forces, what will be the possibility of a realistic order and security? The present study, with a descriptive-analytical approach and using the theory of Secure Community tests the hypothesis that the formation of regional order due to the withdrawal of American forces in its best form can be a tightly – coupled and nascent Secure Community. The region of West Asia and the Middle East has witnessed the presence of American forces as a major and influential player for decades, and the order of this region has been formed based on its presence and influence. It is clear that the US regional presence has not led to comprehensive security in the region, and relations between the countries are tense and unstable today. Given the negative attitude of some countries in the region, including Iran, to this presence and the possibility of the withdrawal of American troops from the region, the important question arises that with the withdrawal of US forces, what will be the possibility of a realistic order and security? The present study, with a descriptive-analytical approach and using the theory of Secure Community tests the hypothesis that the formation of regional order due to the withdrawal of American forces in its best form can be a tightly – coupled and nascent Secure Community.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_125446_d4bc43cbe37478cc81843b39da410016.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 Comparative study of the rights of domestic and international companies in the regulation of Iran's governance Comparative study of the rights of domestic and international companies in the regulation of Iran's governance 255 271 162970 . FA Ashkan Abdali PhD student, Department of Private Law, Kermanshah Branch, Islamic Azad University, Kermanshah, Iran. Rabiae Eskini Full Professor, Department of Private Law, Mofid University, Qom, Iran Alireza Mazloom Rahni Assistant Professor of Civil Liability Law, Ghods Branch of Azad University, Tehran, Iran Saeid Kheradmandy Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Kermanshah Branch, Islamic Azad University, Kermanshah, Iran. Journal Article 2022 11 28 The fact that foreign companies are treated like Iranian companies in Iran's legal system is a non-discrimination issue. Of course, the regulations of international trade law, which have been taken into consideration in the form of international organizations such as the World Trade Organization, have emphasized the necessity of observing the principle of non-discrimination in the behavior between domestic and foreign companies. In any case, the main question of the current research is that according to the rule of law in Iran's legal system, what is the difference between the laws of domestic and international companies? The hypothesis that is put against this question is that based on various legal articles, including Article 1 of the Companies Registration Law, foreign companies have rights, including the principle of freedom of commercial activity, the principle of eliminating discriminatory behavior, etc. There are also limitations in this field in the application of each of these rights, including the limitations of capital reduction and public order as major exceptions compared to Iranian companies. The fact that foreign companies are treated like Iranian companies in Iran's legal system is a non-discrimination issue. Of course, the regulations of international trade law, which have been taken into consideration in the form of international organizations such as the World Trade Organization, have emphasized the necessity of observing the principle of non-discrimination in the behavior between domestic and foreign companies. In any case, the main question of the current research is that according to the rule of law in Iran's legal system, what is the difference between the laws of domestic and international companies? The hypothesis that is put against this question is that based on various legal articles, including Article 1 of the Companies Registration Law, foreign companies have rights, including the principle of freedom of commercial activity, the principle of eliminating discriminatory behavior, etc. There are also limitations in this field in the application of each of these rights, including the limitations of capital reduction and public order as major exceptions compared to Iranian companies.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_162970_cff5268fdea23436804aa896597355a4.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 Applying transnational commercial law as the law governing contracts in international commercial arbitration Applying transnational commercial law as the law governing contracts in international commercial arbitration 273 293 171394 FA Mohammad Karimi PhD Student of private Law, Department of Law, Najaf Abad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Najaf Abad, Iran. Gholamreza Karimi University Lecturer, PhD in Private Law, North Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2023 05 17 Transnational commercial law or Lex Mercatoria, has always been proposed as one of the appropriate options for managing contracts concluded in foreign trade, and for many reasons, judges and businessmen in different situations have tended to choose Lex Mercatoria instead of choosing and applying national laws. However, the issue that should be paid attention to is the occasions of applying Lex Mercatoria, which actually refers to the situations where international arbitrators can apply Lex Mercatoria as the governing law of the contract. In this regard, the examination of the situations of the application of Lex Mercatoria shows that the application of this transnational legal system is not only done through the explicit choice of it as the governing law of the contract by the contracting parties, but there are many cases that even in the absence of the explicit choice of Lex Mercatoria as the law governing the contract, the arbitrators have considered it as the appropriate law for managing contracts concluded in foreign trade. Transnational commercial law or Lex Mercatoria, has always been proposed as one of the appropriate options for managing contracts concluded in foreign trade, and for many reasons, judges and businessmen in different situations have tended to choose Lex Mercatoria instead of choosing and applying national laws. However, the issue that should be paid attention to is the occasions of applying Lex Mercatoria, which actually refers to the situations where international arbitrators can apply Lex Mercatoria as the governing law of the contract. In this regard, the examination of the situations of the application of Lex Mercatoria shows that the application of this transnational legal system is not only done through the explicit choice of it as the governing law of the contract by the contracting parties, but there are many cases that even in the absence of the explicit choice of Lex Mercatoria as the law governing the contract, the arbitrators have considered it as the appropriate law for managing contracts concluded in foreign trade.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_171394_fffe1ddcc085ca5a319af3314cff2cb4.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 Influence of the Seljuk Empire from the Iranian-Islamic civilizational heritage Influence of the Seljuk Empire from the Iranian-Islamic civilizational heritage 295 320 197150 FA Hava Khatoon Talesh Ashori PhD student, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Mehrnaz Behroozi Assistant Professor, Department of History and Archeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Amirteymour Rafiei Assistant Professor, Department of Iranian History, Faculty of Humanities, Mahalat Branch, Islamic Azad University, Mahalat, Iran. Journal Article 2024 05 28 This article focuses on the influence of the Seljuk Empire on the Islamic Iranian civilizational heritage, basically during the millennia, until the beginning of the 20th century, the vast expanse of the Iranian plateau and Asia Minor, such as Mesopotamia and the central deltas of China and the Nile Basin, witnessed the rise and fall of the empire. There have been many So that human political history has experienced the cycle of successive growth and decline of the empire as a formation of political and social life in this vast area. The Seljuk Empire was also formed after the collapse of Ghaznavid and has gone through a period of growth and decline. The issue investigated in this article is the Seljuk governance structures and its impact on the Iranian Islamic civilizational heritage. Therefore, this article is divided into two parts. The structures and organizations of Seljuk rule and then its effectiveness in different fields of Iranian and Islamic civilizational elements have been analyzed, the findings of this article express the reconstruction of the Seljuk empire on the legacy and historical procedures and the effectiveness of the elements and Iranian and Islamic institutions, the research method in this article is a historical analytical method and the data collection method is also a documentary library. This article focuses on the influence of the Seljuk Empire on the Islamic Iranian civilizational heritage, basically during the millennia, until the beginning of the 20th century, the vast expanse of the Iranian plateau and Asia Minor, such as Mesopotamia and the central deltas of China and the Nile Basin, witnessed the rise and fall of the empire. There have been many So that human political history has experienced the cycle of successive growth and decline of the empire as a formation of political and social life in this vast area. The Seljuk Empire was also formed after the collapse of Ghaznavid and has gone through a period of growth and decline. The issue investigated in this article is the Seljuk governance structures and its impact on the Iranian Islamic civilizational heritage. Therefore, this article is divided into two parts. The structures and organizations of Seljuk rule and then its effectiveness in different fields of Iranian and Islamic civilizational elements have been analyzed, the findings of this article express the reconstruction of the Seljuk empire on the legacy and historical procedures and the effectiveness of the elements and Iranian and Islamic institutions, the research method in this article is a historical analytical method and the data collection method is also a documentary library.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_197150_f3ee090d9db1a11b4e11e41a8ae61c0a.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 10 2 2020 08 22 The role of the Dashnak Party and the Armenian Yefrem Khan in the Iranian Constitutional Revolution The role of the Dashnak Party and the Armenian Yefrem Khan in the Iranian Constitutional Revolution 321 337 244015 FA Kyomars Ahmadi PhD in Islamic History, Department of Humanities, Mecca Martyrs Center, Farhangian University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article The Constitutional Revolution of Iran was a historical opportunity for the participation of the fighters and freedom fighters of the Caucasus, who created unparalleled epics with their participation. The Armenian Dashnaktsutyun Party was one of the parties that, with its presence, was able to make a significant contribution to the victory of the Constitutional Revolution of Iran. As the leader of this organization, Yaparm Khan Sardar created epics during the Constitutional Revolution, and this article attempts to address the role of the Iranian Gariba Ladi during the Constitutional period and the formation of the Dashnak Party. Undoubtedly, the role of Armenians in the independence movement of the Iranian people during the Qajar period against internal tyranny and foreign colonialism can be one of the clear examples of cooperation between nations, and Muslims and Christians can play a role together regardless of religion. The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical, and library tools, documents, electronic resources, and Internet databases have been used to collect data. The Constitutional Revolution of Iran was a historical opportunity for the participation of the fighters and freedom fighters of the Caucasus, who created unparalleled epics with their participation. The Armenian Dashnaktsutyun Party was one of the parties that, with its presence, was able to make a significant contribution to the victory of the Constitutional Revolution of Iran. As the leader of this organization, Yaparm Khan Sardar created epics during the Constitutional Revolution, and this article attempts to address the role of the Iranian Gariba Ladi during the Constitutional period and the formation of the Dashnak Party. Undoubtedly, the role of Armenians in the independence movement of the Iranian people during the Qajar period against internal tyranny and foreign colonialism can be one of the clear examples of cooperation between nations, and Muslims and Christians can play a role together regardless of religion. The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical, and library tools, documents, electronic resources, and Internet databases have been used to collect data.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_244015_e094a62916c06e8bdb7bc537c218c310.pdf