The Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922The Infiltration of Salafi Thought in Sistan and Baluchestan Province and its Impact on the National Security of Islamic Republic of IranThe Infiltration of Salafi Thought in Sistan and Baluchestan Province and its Impact on the National Security of Islamic Republic of Iran73811887610.22034/irr.2020.118876FAMoslemBamariPhD student in Political Science Department, Faculty of Humanities, Islamic Azad university, Lamerd unit,Lamerd, Iran(moslembamari@yahoo.com).Ali MohammadHaghighiAssistant Professor of Political Science, Islamic Azad university, , Lamerd unit,Lamerd, Iran(Author)(am.haghighi@yahoo.com)Journal Article20200811Along with the brilliance of pure Islamic values, some formed extreme Salafi currents in the present age by distorting the clear divine thoughts. Through jurisprudential literature support and extensive semantic network, these currents have become one of the most important challenges of the contemporary world. The Islamic Republic of Iran has been struggling with extremist and Salafi currents in the southeastern cities for many years. In the past, there were appropriate interactions between Sunnis and Shiites in Sistan and Baluchestan province; but the infiltration of divisive thoughts of extreme Salafists affected by foreign forces has damaged the national security of the Islamic Republic.<br /> This study seeks to answer this question: How has the infiltration of Salafi thought in Sistan and Baluchestan province affected the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In order to answer this question, the main hypothesis of the article is that the infiltration of Salafi thought might be a serious threat to the national security of our country through the emergence of extremist currents in the province and their relation with Takfiri groups abroad, fighting against the holy order of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and creating ethnic and religious divisions. The study is presented by descriptive-analytical approach and information is collected through field (interview), library and objective observation methods.Along with the brilliance of pure Islamic values, some formed extreme Salafi currents in the present age by distorting the clear divine thoughts. Through jurisprudential literature support and extensive semantic network, these currents have become one of the most important challenges of the contemporary world. The Islamic Republic of Iran has been struggling with extremist and Salafi currents in the southeastern cities for many years. In the past, there were appropriate interactions between Sunnis and Shiites in Sistan and Baluchestan province; but the infiltration of divisive thoughts of extreme Salafists affected by foreign forces has damaged the national security of the Islamic Republic.<br /> This study seeks to answer this question: How has the infiltration of Salafi thought in Sistan and Baluchestan province affected the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In order to answer this question, the main hypothesis of the article is that the infiltration of Salafi thought might be a serious threat to the national security of our country through the emergence of extremist currents in the province and their relation with Takfiri groups abroad, fighting against the holy order of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and creating ethnic and religious divisions. The study is presented by descriptive-analytical approach and information is collected through field (interview), library and objective observation methods.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_118876_95d78f1fbe8c82b7878cdad5403683c1.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922A Study of the NATO Presence in the Persian Gulf
in the Context of America's Decentralization Policy from the Middle EastA Study of the NATO Presence in the Persian Gulf
in the Context of America's Decentralization Policy from the Middle East396411887710.22034/irr.2020.118877FAMahdiKordi KalakMashallahHeidarpourAssistant Professor and Member of the Board of Islamic Azad University, Qom Branch,MahdiJavdaniImam Sadeq UniversityJournal Article20200730Abstract <br /> After the end of the Cold War, NATO's functional and missionary transformation, this international organization was present in many parts of the world, including the Middle East and the Persian Gulf. NATO in 1994 by the Mediterranean Dialogue and in 2004, through its Istanbul Cooperation Initiative Program, consolidated its presence in the region. Accordingly, NATO has many reasons for its presence in the region, including the security of energy, the fight against terrorism, the association with the Israel and ultimately the encirclement of Iran. In this research, we are trying to find out the goals and reasons for increasing the presence of NATO in the Persian Gulf since 2011, in the light of US decentralization policy and rotation to the East, based on a descriptive-analytical method in the form of Realism theory of analysis and evaluation. In order to achieve the goal of the research, the main question is what goals can be analyzed and evaluated of the presence of NATO in the Persian Gulf is due to the decentralization policy of the Middle East? This study shows that increase of the presence of NATO in the Gulf region in the light of US decentralization policies in the Middle East can explained by pursuit of common goals for the United States and NATO, such as the continuation of the US presidential presence, the transfer of responsibility to international allies NATO's engagement in global security, energy security, and maintaining special relations with regional alliances.Abstract <br /> After the end of the Cold War, NATO's functional and missionary transformation, this international organization was present in many parts of the world, including the Middle East and the Persian Gulf. NATO in 1994 by the Mediterranean Dialogue and in 2004, through its Istanbul Cooperation Initiative Program, consolidated its presence in the region. Accordingly, NATO has many reasons for its presence in the region, including the security of energy, the fight against terrorism, the association with the Israel and ultimately the encirclement of Iran. In this research, we are trying to find out the goals and reasons for increasing the presence of NATO in the Persian Gulf since 2011, in the light of US decentralization policy and rotation to the East, based on a descriptive-analytical method in the form of Realism theory of analysis and evaluation. In order to achieve the goal of the research, the main question is what goals can be analyzed and evaluated of the presence of NATO in the Persian Gulf is due to the decentralization policy of the Middle East? This study shows that increase of the presence of NATO in the Gulf region in the light of US decentralization policies in the Middle East can explained by pursuit of common goals for the United States and NATO, such as the continuation of the US presidential presence, the transfer of responsibility to international allies NATO's engagement in global security, energy security, and maintaining special relations with regional alliances.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_118877_ebcca5aba43f5720d8f45c5bc8060f3e.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922The prospects of the Yemeni war and its security consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran,The prospects of the Yemeni war and its security consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran,659011887810.22034/irr.2020.118878FAMohammad RezaHatamiAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science, Payam Noor University, Tehran, Iran.AlirezaBeigiphd student of political science at Imam Sadiq UniversityJournal Article20200815The Yemeni crisis, which began in 2015 with the invasion of Saudi Arabia, affected the security of many countries. The security of West Asian countries from the events in the region has led most of the countries to adopt a strategy of strengthening the defense and defense systems and turning this region into a military weapons depot. The security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, as an active player in the region, is also affected by the current events, especially the Yemeni crisis. This research, which uses the method of futures research and scenario writing technique, tries to explain the future of the Yemeni war in the form of several scenarios and then analyzes its security consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran. In fact, the main question of the research is what will be the future of the Yemeni war and what will be the security consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran? In order to achieve the answer of this research, the method of collecting documentary sources has been used. The hypothesis of this study is that the four scenarios of "continuation of the current course of the war", "dialogue", "division of Yemen into north and south" and "referendum" are the most likely scenarios that can be imagined for the future of the Yemeni war.The Yemeni crisis, which began in 2015 with the invasion of Saudi Arabia, affected the security of many countries. The security of West Asian countries from the events in the region has led most of the countries to adopt a strategy of strengthening the defense and defense systems and turning this region into a military weapons depot. The security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, as an active player in the region, is also affected by the current events, especially the Yemeni crisis. This research, which uses the method of futures research and scenario writing technique, tries to explain the future of the Yemeni war in the form of several scenarios and then analyzes its security consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran. In fact, the main question of the research is what will be the future of the Yemeni war and what will be the security consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran? In order to achieve the answer of this research, the method of collecting documentary sources has been used. The hypothesis of this study is that the four scenarios of "continuation of the current course of the war", "dialogue", "division of Yemen into north and south" and "referendum" are the most likely scenarios that can be imagined for the future of the Yemeni war.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_118878_d631586ae43216c1f2a8ce811e10006c.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922The Impact of Potential Future of Iraq (Post-ISIS) on the National Security of the Islamic Republic of Iran Based on Scenario WritingThe Impact of Potential Future of Iraq (Post-ISIS) on the National Security of the Islamic Republic of Iran Based on Scenario Writing9112411935710.22034/irr.2020.119357FADavodAfshari..ShahroozEbrahimiunivrsity ofisfahan0000-0002-4277-6590Journal Article20200509Compared to Iran's other neighbors, Iraq has had the greatest impact on Iran's security and national interests. Especially after the withdrawal from the ISIS crisis, steps have been taken to strengthen the new national identity and reduce the influence of foreign powers, and as a result, regional and international actors have sought to recruit in the new Iraq. Therefore, the future developments in Iraq will play an important role in drawing the power lines in this region. During this period, domestic, regional and trans-regional actors are seeking to increase their role and influence in the equations of this country and finally to draw their desired scenario. Based on the scenario writing method, the present article intends to examine the impact of possible future scenarios in Iraq on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. n this regard, the author identifies the key factors affecting the developments in Iraq and then identifies the uncertainties in Iraq by identifying the drivers, and finally identifies six possible scenarios for the future of Iraq. hese scenarios range from low probability to high: The scenario of changing the political structure in Iraq through the change of the constitution, the coup d'etat, the civil war, the disintegration of Iraq, the unity and cohesion between the parties and the increase of Iraqi national power (non-cooperation with Iran) and finally: the scenario of fair and democratic division of power Iran).Compared to Iran's other neighbors, Iraq has had the greatest impact on Iran's security and national interests. Especially after the withdrawal from the ISIS crisis, steps have been taken to strengthen the new national identity and reduce the influence of foreign powers, and as a result, regional and international actors have sought to recruit in the new Iraq. Therefore, the future developments in Iraq will play an important role in drawing the power lines in this region. During this period, domestic, regional and trans-regional actors are seeking to increase their role and influence in the equations of this country and finally to draw their desired scenario. Based on the scenario writing method, the present article intends to examine the impact of possible future scenarios in Iraq on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. n this regard, the author identifies the key factors affecting the developments in Iraq and then identifies the uncertainties in Iraq by identifying the drivers, and finally identifies six possible scenarios for the future of Iraq. hese scenarios range from low probability to high: The scenario of changing the political structure in Iraq through the change of the constitution, the coup d'etat, the civil war, the disintegration of Iraq, the unity and cohesion between the parties and the increase of Iraqi national power (non-cooperation with Iran) and finally: the scenario of fair and democratic division of power Iran).https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_119357_f3d0c38aba71c170a70fc61c71db4e6f.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922US security threats against China and Russia and the formation of a security alignment (strategic partnership) between the two countriesUS security threats against China and Russia and the formation of a security alignment (strategic partnership) between the two countries12516011888110.22034/irr.2020.118881FAMeysamZakizadehPhD Student in International Relations, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranAlirezaMosavizadehProfessor Yar Department of International Relations, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranMehdiZakeriyanamiriAssociate Professor, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranBehzadShahandehProfessor, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20200428The end of the Cold War was a turning point in international politics. The collapse of the Soviet Union shattered the bipolar structure of the international system and paved the way for the United States to remain the only superpower left in the world. Meanwhile, the relationship between the People's Republic of China as the world's second largest economic power and the Russian Federation the heir to the Eastern superpower is of particular importance. China and Russia have gone through ups and downs in their history. For example, the Soviet Union's support for the communist government of the People's Republic of China in the 1950s, the darkening of relations in the late 1960s and 1960s, and the coldness of relations in the two decades that followed. Although Gorbachev took steps to get closer to China in 1989, it was the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War that marked a turning point in the two countries' interactions and cooperation. After the early Westernization of Russian foreign policy in 1993 and the rise of the Eurasianist approach to Russian foreign policy, Russia gradually expanded its cooperation with its old neighbor, China. For nearly three decades, we have seen the strengthening of cooperation between the two countries and the expansion of areas of cooperation to the geopolitical and geoeconomic sectors. First, ending the border disputes was on the agenda of the two countries, and then political, economic, and ultimately security and military partners were put in place.The end of the Cold War was a turning point in international politics. The collapse of the Soviet Union shattered the bipolar structure of the international system and paved the way for the United States to remain the only superpower left in the world. Meanwhile, the relationship between the People's Republic of China as the world's second largest economic power and the Russian Federation the heir to the Eastern superpower is of particular importance. China and Russia have gone through ups and downs in their history. For example, the Soviet Union's support for the communist government of the People's Republic of China in the 1950s, the darkening of relations in the late 1960s and 1960s, and the coldness of relations in the two decades that followed. Although Gorbachev took steps to get closer to China in 1989, it was the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War that marked a turning point in the two countries' interactions and cooperation. After the early Westernization of Russian foreign policy in 1993 and the rise of the Eurasianist approach to Russian foreign policy, Russia gradually expanded its cooperation with its old neighbor, China. For nearly three decades, we have seen the strengthening of cooperation between the two countries and the expansion of areas of cooperation to the geopolitical and geoeconomic sectors. First, ending the border disputes was on the agenda of the two countries, and then political, economic, and ultimately security and military partners were put in place.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_118881_0b0d4cb8f5d17ee4500196921349de8c.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922Environmental damage and how to compensate it in international lawEnvironmental damage and how to compensate it in international law16119611948210.22034/irr.2020.119482FAAliFaghih Habibi..Journal Article20201118.<br />The environment is the arena for the growth and development of human talents and the platform for the emergence, development and development of human conscience. An arena in the light of which human beings and their rights can be breathed, but these rights will face challenges in critical situations caused by pollution and environmental degradation that will make it impossible to exercise inherent human rights. The environment is being destroyed at an unprecedented rate. The spread of various pollutants, climate change, ozone depletion, declining biodiversity and the myriad environmental problems that threaten human life on Earth and have drastically reduced the quality of life is an undeniable fact that the international community is struggling. It is struggling. It is a pity that with the industrialization of mankind and the uncontrolled exploitation of nature, it has decreased. The principle of sustainable development, which the 1972 Stockholm and 1992 Rio de Janeiro Conferences and the Environmental Balance Conference considered respect for the rights of future generations, has not yet been considered as a general guideline. Government's international commitment to environmental protection, as reflected in Articles 21 of the Stockholm Declaration and 12 of the Rio de Janeiro Declaration, in international jurisdiction and arbitration, as well as in international instruments within the framework of States' legal (civil) liability for environmental non-pollution. And the compensation is well established. On the other hand, in national legal systems, the environment is supported by the application of civil and criminal enforcement guarantees against pollution, although these enforcement guarantees are sometimes practically unused due to disability or the disintegration of national laws and the lack of Adequate incentives to deal with environmental pollutants from government or public facilities make effective environmental protection inaccessible. Accordingly, the necessity and possibility of criminal protection of the environment is considered in international law. Environmental crime faces many challenges that make it impossible for any simple crime to repair the damage. First, it is sometimes the environmental offender or the government (such as uncontrolled dams of governments) or powerful companies (such as companies that produce transgenic crops) that engage in environmental misconduct behind power-wealth lobbies. This research is a library method using descriptive-analytical method and data collection.<br />The environment is the arena for the growth and development of human talents and the platform for the emergence, development and development of human conscience. An arena in the light of which human beings and their rights can be breathed, but these rights will face challenges in critical situations caused by pollution and environmental degradation that will make it impossible to exercise inherent human rights. The environment is being destroyed at an unprecedented rate. The spread of various pollutants, climate change, ozone depletion, declining biodiversity and the myriad environmental problems that threaten human life on Earth and have drastically reduced the quality of life is an undeniable fact that the international community is struggling. It is struggling. It is a pity that with the industrialization of mankind and the uncontrolled exploitation of nature, it has decreased. The principle of sustainable development, which the 1972 Stockholm and 1992 Rio de Janeiro Conferences and the Environmental Balance Conference considered respect for the rights of future generations, has not yet been considered as a general guideline. Government's international commitment to environmental protection, as reflected in Articles 21 of the Stockholm Declaration and 12 of the Rio de Janeiro Declaration, in international jurisdiction and arbitration, as well as in international instruments within the framework of States' legal (civil) liability for environmental non-pollution. And the compensation is well established. On the other hand, in national legal systems, the environment is supported by the application of civil and criminal enforcement guarantees against pollution, although these enforcement guarantees are sometimes practically unused due to disability or the disintegration of national laws and the lack of Adequate incentives to deal with environmental pollutants from government or public facilities make effective environmental protection inaccessible. Accordingly, the necessity and possibility of criminal protection of the environment is considered in international law. Environmental crime faces many challenges that make it impossible for any simple crime to repair the damage. First, it is sometimes the environmental offender or the government (such as uncontrolled dams of governments) or powerful companies (such as companies that produce transgenic crops) that engage in environmental misconduct behind power-wealth lobbies. This research is a library method using descriptive-analytical method and data collectionhttps://www.iisajournals.ir/article_119482_0b9729a8355f5e3efeb35c5d7730c0d1.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922The United States Interests of in the 1975 Algiers AgreementThe United States Interests of in the 1975 Algiers Agreement19722711362710.22034/irr.2020.113627FARoshanakMasoriPhD student of Iran's history after Islam, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranFayazZahedAssistant Professor, Department of History and Archaeology, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20200902.The borders between Iran and Iraq have been a point of contention between the two countries from a long time ago. The existence of a large number of border agreements shows the depth of the two countries' problems in the contemporary era. 1975 Algiers Agreement is the last treaty concluded between the two territories. This agreement is still valid, after all that has happened in the last half century, among its unilateral annulment by Saddam and the war between the two countries. The treaty was signed in a situation that it seemed the two countries were top of dispute and There was no prospect of peace. Iraq was dependent on the Eastern Bloc in the bipolar world of those years, and was close to collapse due to the Kurdish war and domestic challenges. Iran, on the other hand, was allied with the United States (Western Bloc) and Due to rising oil prices, it was gaining power in the region. Hence, it seems that The United States has mediated a deal to support Iran. Such a view overcomes in a large number of analysis of about the contract. But this article tries to show that the U.S. sought to ratify a peace Agreement between the two countries at the time, not only to support his ally, who was pessimistic about it at the time, but also for their own interests that was achieved due to the international situation and the change in foreign policy of Iran and Iraq..The borders between Iran and Iraq have been a point of contention between the two countries from a long time ago. The existence of a large number of border agreements shows the depth of the two countries' problems in the contemporary era. 1975 Algiers Agreement is the last treaty concluded between the two territories. This agreement is still valid, after all that has happened in the last half century, among its unilateral annulment by Saddam and the war between the two countries. The treaty was signed in a situation that it seemed the two countries were top of dispute and There was no prospect of peace. Iraq was dependent on the Eastern Bloc in the bipolar world of those years, and was close to collapse due to the Kurdish war and domestic challenges. Iran, on the other hand, was allied with the United States (Western Bloc) and Due to rising oil prices, it was gaining power in the region. Hence, it seems that The United States has mediated a deal to support Iran. Such a view overcomes in a large number of analysis of about the contract. But this article tries to show that the U.S. sought to ratify a peace Agreement between the two countries at the time, not only to support his ally, who was pessimistic about it at the time, but also for their own interests that was achieved due to the international situation and the change in foreign policy of Iran and Iraq.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_113627_63413a627434b7ecc99fdb669168a193.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922Indicators of favorable policy-making of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the face of threats posed by social networks in IranIndicators of favorable policy-making of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the face of threats posed by social networks in Iran22925612284210.22034/irr.2020.122842FASaeidGhasemiPhD student in political science, Azadshahr Azad UniversityAbdol RezaBaiMasoudMotalebiAssistant Professor of Political Science, Azadshahr Azad UniversityJournal Article20201208The information technology revolution of the 21st century and the emergence of social networks have brought about security changes in the international arena and have challenged the power of governments that favorable policies in this area can reduce the threats posed by these networks. This article aims to examine Iran's favorable policies in the face of social media threats seeks to answer the question of what threats social networks have created for the Islamic Republic of Iran and what are the desired policies in the face of these threats? The hypothesis presented in response to the main research question is: social networks disrupt national security, including the promotion of some Western values and concepts contrary to Islamic values, uncontrollable information and the possibility of espionage, the emergence of people with international citizenship, diminishing National sovereignty, intellectual-cultural boundaries and problems in economic security, which favorable policies in this area include increasing the media literacy of the people, increasing the authority of domestic and national media and especially the official media over informal media and social networks. Therefore, the role of social networks on Iran's national security was studied and is of fundamental importance due to the growth of social networks in Iran and the decisive impact it can have on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.The information technology revolution of the 21st century and the emergence of social networks have brought about security changes in the international arena and have challenged the power of governments that favorable policies in this area can reduce the threats posed by these networks. This article aims to examine Iran's favorable policies in the face of social media threats seeks to answer the question of what threats social networks have created for the Islamic Republic of Iran and what are the desired policies in the face of these threats? The hypothesis presented in response to the main research question is: social networks disrupt national security, including the promotion of some Western values and concepts contrary to Islamic values, uncontrollable information and the possibility of espionage, the emergence of people with international citizenship, diminishing National sovereignty, intellectual-cultural boundaries and problems in economic security, which favorable policies in this area include increasing the media literacy of the people, increasing the authority of domestic and national media and especially the official media over informal media and social networks. Therefore, the role of social networks on Iran's national security was studied and is of fundamental importance due to the growth of social networks in Iran and the decisive impact it can have on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_122842_517d97b17c77bf9ad730910ce9d5ef69.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922Analyze the causes of the political underdevelopment of Muslim countries involved in the phenomenon of terrorism in the Middle East
(Case study: Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria)Analyze the causes of the political underdevelopment of Muslim countries involved in the phenomenon of terrorism in the Middle East
(Case study: Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria)25728012496610.22034/irr.2020.124966FASaeidHaghparastPhD Student in Political Science - Political Sociology, Islamic Azad University, Tabriz Branch,EhsanShakeriAssistant Professor of Political Science, Islamic Azad University, Tabriz BranchRobabehPourjabliAssistant Professor of Sociology, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan BranchJournal Article20201029The low level of political development of Muslim countries involved in the phenomenon of terrorism in the Middle East region means the illegitimacy of the ruling regimes and the reduction of popular political participation with public dissatisfaction.Which has a great impact on the occurrence of political violence and makes terrorist activities an attractive option for the people of that society. The main purpose of this study, while examining the underlying causes of political underdevelopment of Muslim countries in the Middle East, is to analyze the role of terrorism as one of the most important components of underdevelopment in these countries.<br /> The present article is methodical, descriptive and analytical and based on the model of the theories of thinkers such as: Samuel Huntington and Lucien Pai as two thinkers in the discussion of the development of countries has been used in combination as a theoretical framework.<br /> Findings: The findings of this study indicate that the diverse and multi-ethnic structure, religious and mosaic nature of these societies and incomplete and artificial nation-building are important and influential factors in the formation and development of terrorism and terrorism with Creating effective infrastructural challenges and barriers complicates the process of political development in the Muslim countries of the Middle East.<br /> Political development is a fundamental change in the political beliefs of individuals and institutions of these countries, the presuppositions of which are changes in culture, economy and society. Changes in the mentioned areas become a factor for changing or consolidating the political area.The low level of political development of Muslim countries involved in the phenomenon of terrorism in the Middle East region means the illegitimacy of the ruling regimes and the reduction of popular political participation with public dissatisfaction.Which has a great impact on the occurrence of political violence and makes terrorist activities an attractive option for the people of that society. The main purpose of this study, while examining the underlying causes of political underdevelopment of Muslim countries in the Middle East, is to analyze the role of terrorism as one of the most important components of underdevelopment in these countries.<br /> The present article is methodical, descriptive and analytical and based on the model of the theories of thinkers such as: Samuel Huntington and Lucien Pai as two thinkers in the discussion of the development of countries has been used in combination as a theoretical framework.<br /> Findings: The findings of this study indicate that the diverse and multi-ethnic structure, religious and mosaic nature of these societies and incomplete and artificial nation-building are important and influential factors in the formation and development of terrorism and terrorism with Creating effective infrastructural challenges and barriers complicates the process of political development in the Muslim countries of the Middle East.<br /> Political development is a fundamental change in the political beliefs of individuals and institutions of these countries, the presuppositions of which are changes in culture, economy and society. Changes in the mentioned areas become a factor for changing or consolidating the political area.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_124966_dea515d870e6bba931d66e00f8e37cb2.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922Transition from hegemonic order to post-hegemonic order and relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia (2001-2020)Transition from hegemonic order to post-hegemonic order and relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia (2001-2020)28130212573710.22034/irr.2020.125737FASajadHasaniDepartment of Political Science and International Relations, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranArsalanGhorbani SheikhneshinJournal Article20210207The governing structure of the international system and the particular consequences that such an order has on patterns of interaction and friendship-regional enmity affect the level and extent of tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia. In the form of Nixon's Twin Pillars Policy, Tehran and Riyadh played complementary roles in reproducing the favorite American regional order. The outbreak of the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the end of the Cold War brought about changes in this process. The main question of the present article is how the structure of the international system between 2001 and 2020 has affected the level of tension in the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia? Based on the theoretical propositions of Neo-realism and hegemonic stability approach, the findings of the article show that during the period under study, American hegemonic authority in the structure of the international order was shifting to multilateralism and Similarly, by weakening the US structural focus and highlighting the role of Russia and China in regional trends and dynamics in the Middle East, Saudi-Iranian relations have reproduced more tensions to gain leadership in the Islamic world and regional supremacy. The present article is descriptive-analytical and the required information is collected by library method and referring to internet resources.The governing structure of the international system and the particular consequences that such an order has on patterns of interaction and friendship-regional enmity affect the level and extent of tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia. In the form of Nixon's Twin Pillars Policy, Tehran and Riyadh played complementary roles in reproducing the favorite American regional order. The outbreak of the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the end of the Cold War brought about changes in this process. The main question of the present article is how the structure of the international system between 2001 and 2020 has affected the level of tension in the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia? Based on the theoretical propositions of Neo-realism and hegemonic stability approach, the findings of the article show that during the period under study, American hegemonic authority in the structure of the international order was shifting to multilateralism and Similarly, by weakening the US structural focus and highlighting the role of Russia and China in regional trends and dynamics in the Middle East, Saudi-Iranian relations have reproduced more tensions to gain leadership in the Islamic world and regional supremacy. The present article is descriptive-analytical and the required information is collected by library method and referring to internet resources.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_125737_b3f5933c6bf97a59851901df21155e5c.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922Examining the similarities and differences of the foundations of postmodernism and the foundations of education in Islam and international documentsExamining the similarities and differences of the foundations of postmodernism and the foundations of education in Islam and international documents30332516289010.22034/irr.2022.363496.2274FAMohsenAbouei MehriziPhD student, Department of Educational Sciences, Sari Branch, Islamic Azad University, Sari, Iran.KiumarsKhatir PashaAssistant Professor, Department of Educational Sciences, Sari Branch, Islamic Azad University, Sari, Iran.LadanSalimiAssistant Professor, Department of Educational Sciences, Sari Branch, Islamic Azad University, Sari, Iran.Journal Article20220925The contemporary era is an era of complexity, diversity, contradiction, inconsistency, inconsistency and various voices. Human society is thinking about new ways of education in the context of time. One of these ways is; Modeling new educations with Islamic education in mind. Postmodernism is one of the currents of thought that has been the most famous and influential in various fields, including in the field of education. Considering that our society is a religious society and its educational aspect is also drawn and defined based on religion, and since the waves of postmodernist ideas have reached it, it is necessary to align these ideas with Islam. according to this, the main purpose of the research is to examine the differences and similarities of the educational perspective of postmodernism with the indicators of the philosophical foundations of Islamic education, which has been done using analytical, inferential and comparative methods, according to the findings, only in The foundations of ontology There are similarities between the foundations of postmodernism and Islamic education. These similarities are related to the belief in reality and pluralism in both schools, while in terms of the foundations of epistemology, anthropology and values of postmodernism and Islamic education, there are differences. The result of the research shows that between postmodernism and Islamic education and training, we will not find any kind of similarity; Because these two meanings contradict each other in terms of epistemologyThe contemporary era is an era of complexity, diversity, contradiction, inconsistency, inconsistency and various voices. Human society is thinking about new ways of education in the context of time. One of these ways is; Modeling new educations with Islamic education in mind. Postmodernism is one of the currents of thought that has been the most famous and influential in various fields, including in the field of education. Considering that our society is a religious society and its educational aspect is also drawn and defined based on religion, and since the waves of postmodernist ideas have reached it, it is necessary to align these ideas with Islam. according to this, the main purpose of the research is to examine the differences and similarities of the educational perspective of postmodernism with the indicators of the philosophical foundations of Islamic education, which has been done using analytical, inferential and comparative methods, according to the findings, only in The foundations of ontology There are similarities between the foundations of postmodernism and Islamic education. These similarities are related to the belief in reality and pluralism in both schools, while in terms of the foundations of epistemology, anthropology and values of postmodernism and Islamic education, there are differences. The result of the research shows that between postmodernism and Islamic education and training, we will not find any kind of similarity; Because these two meanings contradict each other in terms of epistemologyhttps://www.iisajournals.ir/article_162890_1b9b0b68ab7bdd3bd8046c85a18c283e.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922Proof of money laundering crime and its detection criteria in international and domestic documents of IranProof of money laundering crime and its detection criteria in international and domestic documents of Iran32735616306610.22034/irr.2020.163066FAJasemRashidiPhD Student in Criminal Law and Criminology, Bandar Abbas Branch, Islamic Azad University, Bandar Abbas, IranAlirezaSaibaniAssistant Professor of Law, Bandar Abbas Branch, Islamic Azad University, Bandar Abbas, IranJournal Article20201201Money laundering is a process that occurs as a secondary crime after committing primary crimes and can also be reflected in the monetary system of countries. On the other hand, the evidence in a crime, based on a fair trial, induces principles that require the observance of the rights of the accused in this process. The burden of proving money laundering under domestic and international law suggests different approaches. Convention ﻭﻳﻦ initially presupposes the evidence of innocence and reliance on the principle of the innocence of the rationale for proving money laundering. However, in paragraph 7 of Article 5 of this Convention, in order to prove the origin of property and income and other claimed property, the burden of proof is reversed and it is the responsibility of the accused. However, this international document recommends to member states ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺗﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ. In Iran, according to Article 1 of the Anti-Money Laundering Law, there are two different provisions in the field of evidence. In other words, on the one hand, it pays attention to the principle of correctness, and on the other hand, it refers to the possession statistic. Therefore, in the legislative approaches of the country, the principle of innocence and proving a crime by a judicial official can be investigated.Money laundering is a process that occurs as a secondary crime after committing primary crimes and can also be reflected in the monetary system of countries. On the other hand, the evidence in a crime, based on a fair trial, induces principles that require the observance of the rights of the accused in this process. The burden of proving money laundering under domestic and international law suggests different approaches. Convention ﻭﻳﻦ initially presupposes the evidence of innocence and reliance on the principle of the innocence of the rationale for proving money laundering. However, in paragraph 7 of Article 5 of this Convention, in order to prove the origin of property and income and other claimed property, the burden of proof is reversed and it is the responsibility of the accused. However, this international document recommends to member states ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺗﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ. In Iran, according to Article 1 of the Anti-Money Laundering Law, there are two different provisions in the field of evidence. In other words, on the one hand, it pays attention to the principle of correctness, and on the other hand, it refers to the possession statistic. Therefore, in the legislative approaches of the country, the principle of innocence and proving a crime by a judicial official can be investigated.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_163066_db7f1ed3c5cdb6792cbd855d9fef8f7b.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922Iran's criminal policy in response to juvenile delinquency with an emphasis on order and securityIran's criminal policy in response to juvenile delinquency with an emphasis on order and security35738117836710.22034/irr.2023.409835.2425FAMohsenTaherijebeliPhD student of the Department of Criminal Justice and Criminology, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.HoshangShambayatiAssistant Professor, Department of Criminology, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranMohamadAshoriAssistant Professor, Department of Criminal Law and Criminology, Science and Research Unit, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.AliNajafi TavanaAssistant Professor, Department of Criminal Justice and Criminology, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20230802Today, criminal policy making in the field of juvenile delinquency has been influenced by the findings of criminology, trying to explain differential approaches and responses. Differentiating policies, which include from the beginning of the criminalization process to the procedure and sentencing system, try to adapt the responses of the society according to the personality of the teenagers and the possibility of facilitating the process of returning the delinquent teenagers to the society. Therefore, and influenced by the approaches of discriminatory and tolerant criminal policy, in the penal system and in the phase of determining the punishment, a guarantee of special executions has been provided for delinquent children and teenagers.These measures, which seek to reform and rehabilitate juvenile delinquents, on the one hand, adopt a tolerance-based approach towards them on the occasion of reduced responsibility, and on the other hand, seek to control the crime rate in this relatively risky area. This article tries to analyze and evaluate the mechanisms of the punishment system for the crimes of children and adolescents in the light of the rehabilitation criminal policy.Today, criminal policy making in the field of juvenile delinquency has been influenced by the findings of criminology, trying to explain differential approaches and responses. Differentiating policies, which include from the beginning of the criminalization process to the procedure and sentencing system, try to adapt the responses of the society according to the personality of the teenagers and the possibility of facilitating the process of returning the delinquent teenagers to the society. Therefore, and influenced by the approaches of discriminatory and tolerant criminal policy, in the penal system and in the phase of determining the punishment, a guarantee of special executions has been provided for delinquent children and teenagers.These measures, which seek to reform and rehabilitate juvenile delinquents, on the one hand, adopt a tolerance-based approach towards them on the occasion of reduced responsibility, and on the other hand, seek to control the crime rate in this relatively risky area. This article tries to analyze and evaluate the mechanisms of the punishment system for the crimes of children and adolescents in the light of the rehabilitation criminal policy.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_178367_2d6d722fe223c77e1d9473abdbd1b845.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844410320200922Convergence of Private Law in the Light of Transnational Criminal Policy: A Case Study of International Commercial ContractsConvergence of Private Law in the Light of Transnational Criminal Policy: A Case Study of International Commercial Contracts38341524823710.22034/irr.2020.248237FANahalEbrahimporPhD student, Department of Private Law, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran0000-0001-6225-9948MehdiShahrakiPhD student in Criminal Law and Criminology, Emirates International Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.0009-0009-2442-7838Journal ArticleThe present study aims to explain the role of transnational criminal policy in the process of private law convergence, focusing on international commercial contracts, and answers the question of how standards resulting from transnational criminal policy lead to the convergence of private law rules and procedures in different legal systems. The research method is descriptive-analytical and based on the study of library resources, international documents, and domestic and foreign scientific works. The research findings show that transnational criminal policy indirectly influences private contractual relations by creating common requirements in the field of financial transparency, combating corruption, identifying beneficial owners, preventing money laundering, and controlling economic activities related to transnational crimes. This influence is realized through contractual terms, mandatory rules, public order, regulatory requirements, and restrictions on the implementation of contracts, and as a result, relatively similar patterns are formed in international commercial contracts. From this perspective, international commercial contracts are not only a means of economic exchange, but also a mechanism for transferring and consolidating transnational criminal policy standards. However, the convergence process does not mean the complete unification of private law and, due to differences in legal systems, state sovereignty, and different perceptions of public order, is gradual, relative, and multi-layered. In Iranian law, although there is some capacity to accept and reflect transnational standards in contractual relations, the conflict between contractual freedom, domestic mandatory rules, and transnational obligations poses fundamental challenges to this convergence.The present study aims to explain the role of transnational criminal policy in the process of private law convergence, focusing on international commercial contracts, and answers the question of how standards resulting from transnational criminal policy lead to the convergence of private law rules and procedures in different legal systems. The research method is descriptive-analytical and based on the study of library resources, international documents, and domestic and foreign scientific works. The research findings show that transnational criminal policy indirectly influences private contractual relations by creating common requirements in the field of financial transparency, combating corruption, identifying beneficial owners, preventing money laundering, and controlling economic activities related to transnational crimes. This influence is realized through contractual terms, mandatory rules, public order, regulatory requirements, and restrictions on the implementation of contracts, and as a result, relatively similar patterns are formed in international commercial contracts. From this perspective, international commercial contracts are not only a means of economic exchange, but also a mechanism for transferring and consolidating transnational criminal policy standards. However, the convergence process does not mean the complete unification of private law and, due to differences in legal systems, state sovereignty, and different perceptions of public order, is gradual, relative, and multi-layered. In Iranian law, although there is some capacity to accept and reflect transnational standards in contractual relations, the conflict between contractual freedom, domestic mandatory rules, and transnational obligations poses fundamental challenges to this convergence.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_248237_d5d3ee811a419ab06f987cce59a58838.pdf