The Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210723UK is an arena for Euroscepticism: The Case of BrexitUK is an arena for Euroscepticism: The Case of Brexit74013431810.22034/irr.2021.278308.1941FAAfsanehDaneshّFerdowsi University of MashhadSeyed Mohammad AliTaghaviAllameh Tabataba'i UniversityJournal Article20210324The process of European integration is in many ways an important issue in the global arena and regionalism. For this reason, it is considered important and necessary to study the challenges and obstacles of this process that affect other actors and international developments. There has always been criticism of European integration across the EU, but scepticism about Europe, especially in recent decades, has become more pronounced with Britain. The British's Euroscepticism culminated in the Brexit referendum. Given this background, the question of the present article is what factors have led to European evasion in Britain. The research hypothesis is that the British believe that integration in the form of joining the European Union has diminished economic interests, weakened British sovereignty and national identity, and that this belief has led to Euroscepticism among them. As a result of these factors, the process of Euroscepticism, which has been rooted in Britain for many years, led by British parties and the media, made Britain an important arena for Euroscepticism in 2016 and triggered the beginning of the election process. This marked the final withdrawal of Britain from the European Union in January 2021.The process of European integration is in many ways an important issue in the global arena and regionalism. For this reason, it is considered important and necessary to study the challenges and obstacles of this process that affect other actors and international developments. There has always been criticism of European integration across the EU, but scepticism about Europe, especially in recent decades, has become more pronounced with Britain. The British's Euroscepticism culminated in the Brexit referendum. Given this background, the question of the present article is what factors have led to European evasion in Britain. The research hypothesis is that the British believe that integration in the form of joining the European Union has diminished economic interests, weakened British sovereignty and national identity, and that this belief has led to Euroscepticism among them. As a result of these factors, the process of Euroscepticism, which has been rooted in Britain for many years, led by British parties and the media, made Britain an important arena for Euroscepticism in 2016 and triggered the beginning of the election process. This marked the final withdrawal of Britain from the European Union in January 2021.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_134318_ccbed2374f37562066e37527e081a2c7.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210723The Impact of Government Policy making in responding to the Covid 19 Crisis (Comparative study of US, China and Iran experiences)The Impact of Government Policy making in responding to the Covid 19 Crisis (Comparative study of US, China and Iran experiences)416813586410.22034/irr.2021.135864FASeyed AmirNiakooeeAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Guilan0000-0001-8865-8824Journal Article20210829The formation of the Covid-19 pandemic and how governments deal with it has raised various questions in the field of the efficiency of governments according to their nature and their relations with their societies. In this study, by examining three countries, the United States, China and Iran, which in terms of the type of political system (democracy / authoritarianism), the degree of concentration of power (unitary / federal) and the economic nature (liberal / socialism) are significantly different and have different experiences in dealing with this crisis, this question is raised that what factors led to Chin's success in curbing the Covid-19 Pandemic and the relative failure of the United States and Iran to deal with this Epidemic? The findings illustrate that the elements of the developmental states especially determined elites, efficient Bureaucracy, coherent policy making, along with the use of coercive means and the weakness of civil society, have had significant role in the success of China's government to confront this crisis. However, in the United States and Iran, the lack of a coherent response; Decision-making crisis and political divisions; And the anti-authoritarian nature of society in Iran and the strength of civil society in the United States have paved the way for the crisis to continue. The research method is a comparative study and the data collection method is library. This research is based on official statistics and has considered the situation of these countries from the beginning of the pandemic until August, 10, 2021.The formation of the Covid-19 pandemic and how governments deal with it has raised various questions in the field of the efficiency of governments according to their nature and their relations with their societies. In this study, by examining three countries, the United States, China and Iran, which in terms of the type of political system (democracy / authoritarianism), the degree of concentration of power (unitary / federal) and the economic nature (liberal / socialism) are significantly different and have different experiences in dealing with this crisis, this question is raised that what factors led to Chin's success in curbing the Covid-19 Pandemic and the relative failure of the United States and Iran to deal with this Epidemic? The findings illustrate that the elements of the developmental states especially determined elites, efficient Bureaucracy, coherent policy making, along with the use of coercive means and the weakness of civil society, have had significant role in the success of China's government to confront this crisis. However, in the United States and Iran, the lack of a coherent response; Decision-making crisis and political divisions; And the anti-authoritarian nature of society in Iran and the strength of civil society in the United States have paved the way for the crisis to continue. The research method is a comparative study and the data collection method is library. This research is based on official statistics and has considered the situation of these countries from the beginning of the pandemic until August, 10, 2021.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_135864_4787c0e6a185eea5830284483da23836.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210723The role of Britain in EU policy towards Iran (2003-2020)The role of Britain in EU policy towards Iran (2003-2020)699513446610.22034/irr.2021.274551.1923FAAlirezaNaeejPhD in International Relations, Lecturer at Baqer al-Uloom University, Qom, IranSeyedeh SedighehHoosseiniPhD in International Relations, Lecturer at Allameh Tabatabai University, TehranJournal Article20210222Iran's nuclear issue has been introduced as a threat to international peace and security since 2003, during a successful security process by the West Britain sought to play a new role in the international system with an emphasis on Iran's nuclear program, in an approach that sought to build power in a commitment to a transatlantic coalition in order to renew or at least revive its power and influence in the international system. The main question of this article is what effect the united kingdom has on the EU ‘s foreign policy towards Iran?. In response to the issue, it should be noted that given the power of the united kingdom in the field of international affairs, as well as the differences between Iran and united Kingdom, this country has a decisive role in the direction of EU foreign policy towards Iran. The theoretical framework used in this paper is structure realism based on Kenneth Waltz theory. Studies show that the UK plays a key role in shaping the EU's mentality and ultimately its foreign policy towards Iran. The European Union, with a dual carrot and stick approach to the Iranian nuclear issue, is working to confirm its position in the international system and demonstrate the credibility of the foreign policy and common security in order to maintain the order in international relations. In this article, we have tried to examine the role of the British in EU policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran through a descriptive-analytical method.Iran's nuclear issue has been introduced as a threat to international peace and security since 2003, during a successful security process by the West Britain sought to play a new role in the international system with an emphasis on Iran's nuclear program, in an approach that sought to build power in a commitment to a transatlantic coalition in order to renew or at least revive its power and influence in the international system. The main question of this article is what effect the united kingdom has on the EU ‘s foreign policy towards Iran?. In response to the issue, it should be noted that given the power of the united kingdom in the field of international affairs, as well as the differences between Iran and united Kingdom, this country has a decisive role in the direction of EU foreign policy towards Iran. The theoretical framework used in this paper is structure realism based on Kenneth Waltz theory. Studies show that the UK plays a key role in shaping the EU's mentality and ultimately its foreign policy towards Iran. The European Union, with a dual carrot and stick approach to the Iranian nuclear issue, is working to confirm its position in the international system and demonstrate the credibility of the foreign policy and common security in order to maintain the order in international relations. In this article, we have tried to examine the role of the British in EU policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran through a descriptive-analytical method.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_134466_a51fac2d47cb205060f1922d2b3f62b0.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210723Water and the strategy of Turkish hydro-hegemony in MesopotamiaWater and the strategy of Turkish hydro-hegemony in Mesopotamia9712513492210.22034/irr.2021.299229.2025FABehnamSarkheilassistant professor .Department of Political Sciences. Imam Khomeini International University0000-0001-6916-2567Journal Article20210810Turkey enjoys a privileged position in the north of Mesopotamia and has upstream resources of its major rivers, the Tigris and Euphrates, in relation to the downstream countries (Syria, Iraq and Iran). This has led to the country's water programs, which are being pursued through projects such as Gap and Dop to manage and supply the country's energy and development, with increasing extraterrestrial influence and political implications. However, most countries in the region have faced serious water challenges, so examining Turkey's policies and explaining its intentions and strategies on how to manage the water of these two Impressive Rivers can play an important role in understanding the country's macro-strategies in regional equations. The present article seeks to answer, in a descriptive-analytic way, the theoretical framework of realism, what is Turkey's strategic intention to pursue Mesopotamian Hydro politics? The main hypothesis of the paper is that the policy of maximizing power and hegemony over regional competitors has led Ankara to pursue the use of water resources to implement its hydro-hegemony strategy. Finding: Hydro-hegemonicism is part of the puzzle of regional hegemonicism alongside programs such as converting energy hubs, technical-technology production hub and Ankara regional exchange center to rely on future models of equations. Change the region against key actors like IranTurkey enjoys a privileged position in the north of Mesopotamia and has upstream resources of its major rivers, the Tigris and Euphrates, in relation to the downstream countries (Syria, Iraq and Iran). This has led to the country's water programs, which are being pursued through projects such as Gap and Dop to manage and supply the country's energy and development, with increasing extraterrestrial influence and political implications. However, most countries in the region have faced serious water challenges, so examining Turkey's policies and explaining its intentions and strategies on how to manage the water of these two Impressive Rivers can play an important role in understanding the country's macro-strategies in regional equations. The present article seeks to answer, in a descriptive-analytic way, the theoretical framework of realism, what is Turkey's strategic intention to pursue Mesopotamian Hydro politics? The main hypothesis of the paper is that the policy of maximizing power and hegemony over regional competitors has led Ankara to pursue the use of water resources to implement its hydro-hegemony strategy. Finding: Hydro-hegemonicism is part of the puzzle of regional hegemonicism alongside programs such as converting energy hubs, technical-technology production hub and Ankara regional exchange center to rely on future models of equations. Change the region against key actors like Iranhttps://www.iisajournals.ir/article_134922_354371a8393a50e1d8977a5370a6c975.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210723Theoretical and Practical Explanation of Russia's Attitude about International Order during Putin PeriodTheoretical and Practical Explanation of Russia's Attitude about International Order during Putin Period12715813687710.22034/irr.2021.280294.1950FAMajidRouhi.Journal Article20210409Russia has become one of the main critics of current international order in recent years. Since Russia believes that this order is just ascertaining The USA's hegemonic goals. This article employs a descriptive-analytic approach, while analyzing Russia's attitude towards world order, it also explains and provides Russia’s alternative model for future world order. Accordingly, it raises the following question: what is Russia’s attitude and perspective about international order and how does Russia define and operate its alternative model of order in terms of structure, governance, and legitimacy? In response, it can be said that globally, the Kremlin has a structure based on a multipolar and multi-centralized international system, and at regional level, they want a unipolar and hegemonic order centered on great power The principles governing order and type of relationship between great powers are also based on principles such as competition, coexistence and balance, and define mode of governance based on multilateralism and its mechanism also define based on concert of forces and pivotal role of the United Nations in regulating international relations. Moreover, from Russia's point of view, behavior of great powers is legitimate if they observe Westphalian principles of sovereignty, non-interference in each other's internal affairs and prohibition in use of force unless authorized by the United Nations these views have been theorized and implemented both in the theoretical and practical by Russian thinkers and officials in the international system and in region level, Of course, it also comes along with contradictionsRussia has become one of the main critics of current international order in recent years. Since Russia believes that this order is just ascertaining The USA's hegemonic goals. This article employs a descriptive-analytic approach, while analyzing Russia's attitude towards world order, it also explains and provides Russia’s alternative model for future world order. Accordingly, it raises the following question: what is Russia’s attitude and perspective about international order and how does Russia define and operate its alternative model of order in terms of structure, governance, and legitimacy? In response, it can be said that globally, the Kremlin has a structure based on a multipolar and multi-centralized international system, and at regional level, they want a unipolar and hegemonic order centered on great power The principles governing order and type of relationship between great powers are also based on principles such as competition, coexistence and balance, and define mode of governance based on multilateralism and its mechanism also define based on concert of forces and pivotal role of the United Nations in regulating international relations. Moreover, from Russia's point of view, behavior of great powers is legitimate if they observe Westphalian principles of sovereignty, non-interference in each other's internal affairs and prohibition in use of force unless authorized by the United Nations these views have been theorized and implemented both in the theoretical and practical by Russian thinkers and officials in the international system and in region level, Of course, it also comes along with contradictionshttps://www.iisajournals.ir/article_136877_99da8c6e51e530d5354fb6954066f324.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210723Objections raised against commercial documents in Iranian Law with an attitude towards international conventions.Objections raised against commercial documents in Iranian Law with an attitude towards international conventions.15918114127010.22034/irr.2021.141270FAAkbarKhoshPhD Student in Private Law, Department of Law, Arak Branch, Islamic Azad University, Arak, IranAliRadan JebeliAssistant Professor, Department of Law, Arak Branch, Islamic Azad University, Arak, Iran.VahidGhasemiahdAssistant Professor, Department of Law, Arak Branch, Islamic Azad University, Arak, IranJournal Article20201109Commercial documents follow principles and rules such as the "principle of non-hearing of objections" and the "abstract description". In spite of the great importance of these principles, most jurists have given a brief overview of them, and some have tried to interpret and explain them according to the jurisprudence and principles governing civil rights. This has led to many questions and ambiguities. In this study, in order to answer the proposed questions, we have used descriptive and analytical methods as well as explanatory and inferential methods, and it was concluded that the principle of non-hearing of objections, in addition to basic relationship problems, should also be applied to objections of commercial transactions. In addition, we pointed out that the exceptions for each of these cases are different; because while the direct holder as well as the holder who has no good will are the only exceptions to the above principle regarding the basic relationship. The exceptions to this principle regarding the objections of commercial transactions can be divided into two parts: first that leads to absolute decline of commitment of the committed and second that causes relative decline in commitment.Commercial documents follow principles and rules such as the "principle of non-hearing of objections" and the "abstract description". In spite of the great importance of these principles, most jurists have given a brief overview of them, and some have tried to interpret and explain them according to the jurisprudence and principles governing civil rights. This has led to many questions and ambiguities. In this study, in order to answer the proposed questions, we have used descriptive and analytical methods as well as explanatory and inferential methods, and it was concluded that the principle of non-hearing of objections, in addition to basic relationship problems, should also be applied to objections of commercial transactions. In addition, we pointed out that the exceptions for each of these cases are different; because while the direct holder as well as the holder who has no good will are the only exceptions to the above principle regarding the basic relationship. The exceptions to this principle regarding the objections of commercial transactions can be divided into two parts: first that leads to absolute decline of commitment of the committed and second that causes relative decline in commitment.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_141270_62e19451c96255f996555f8034842cba.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210723Emerging Powers and Israel's Trans-Regional Foreign PolicyEmerging Powers and Israel's Trans-Regional Foreign Policy18321913974710.22034/irr.2021.283078.1960FAFariborzArghavani Pirsalamiassistance professor0000-0002-6180-7751FatemehDabirisuJournal Article20210424The most important feature of Israel foreign policy is an attempt to survive, ensure national security and compensation for deficiencies due to the lack balanced and normal regional relations, especially with the neighbours. An Important Feature of Israeli Foreign Policy in the new century has been the attempt to develop relations with emerging powers, including members of the BRICS. The present study, while describing and explaining the various dimensions of Israel's relations with the emerging powers in the political, military and economic fields and explaining Israel's trans-regional foreign policy in the framework of its relations with the emerging powers, answers the question why the role of emerging powers in Israel's trans-regional foreign policy has been increasing since 2010? This Study with using a descriptive-explanatory method, seeks to examine the hypothesis that the growing role of emerging powers in Israel’s foreign policy is affected by a set of factors at the internal, regional and international levels. The findings of this study show that at the domestic level, factors such as the importance of growth and economic development and historical mentality of Israeli leaders to gain support of powers; at the regional level, factors such as The dilemma of regional isolation in the Middle East and the inefficiency of periphery doctrine; at global level factors such as the importance of the role emerging powers in the international system and Tel Aviv's uncertainty about the support of western powers, has been effective in adopting this approach in Israeli foreign policy.The most important feature of Israel foreign policy is an attempt to survive, ensure national security and compensation for deficiencies due to the lack balanced and normal regional relations, especially with the neighbours. An Important Feature of Israeli Foreign Policy in the new century has been the attempt to develop relations with emerging powers, including members of the BRICS. The present study, while describing and explaining the various dimensions of Israel's relations with the emerging powers in the political, military and economic fields and explaining Israel's trans-regional foreign policy in the framework of its relations with the emerging powers, answers the question why the role of emerging powers in Israel's trans-regional foreign policy has been increasing since 2010? This Study with using a descriptive-explanatory method, seeks to examine the hypothesis that the growing role of emerging powers in Israel’s foreign policy is affected by a set of factors at the internal, regional and international levels. The findings of this study show that at the domestic level, factors such as the importance of growth and economic development and historical mentality of Israeli leaders to gain support of powers; at the regional level, factors such as The dilemma of regional isolation in the Middle East and the inefficiency of periphery doctrine; at global level factors such as the importance of the role emerging powers in the international system and Tel Aviv's uncertainty about the support of western powers, has been effective in adopting this approach in Israeli foreign policy.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_139747_61e7215ab86abf837b8673ef1e1a6e90.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210723The Functioning of constructed Institutions in the Middle East from the Perspective of the International English School CommunityThe Functioning of constructed Institutions in the Middle East from the Perspective of the International English School Community22123814018210.22034/irr.2021.292629.1997FAMohammad JavadHashemiPH.D. Student in International Relations, University of IsfahanShahroozEbrahimiDepartment of Political Science, Faculty of Administration and Economoics, Univerity of Isfahan, Iran0000-0002-4277-6590Journal Article20210628The formation of the international system in the Middle East is based on a regional system that emerged after colonization and the emerging countries defended their independence and sovereignty. To demonstrate legitimacy and willingness to work together, these countries created structured institutions within the system of government, which is a feature of the English school, which includes the Arab League, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Gulf Cooperation Council, and OPEC. These institutions were created for solidarity between the countries of the Middle East. The purpose of this paper is to examine the role and position of established institutions in the international community of the Middle East. The main question is whether the constructed institutions have been able to contribute to the formation of an international Middle Eastern solidarity society? The hypothesis of this research is that despite the established institutions, the international community has not been formed in the Middle East. This study, from the point of view of the paradigm of the international community of the English school, shows that in this region, tension and intermittent conflict are more than cohesion and peace. In other words, established institutions in the Middle East are regimes that have not only failed to shape the international community in the East, but have increased tensions.The formation of the international system in the Middle East is based on a regional system that emerged after colonization and the emerging countries defended their independence and sovereignty. To demonstrate legitimacy and willingness to work together, these countries created structured institutions within the system of government, which is a feature of the English school, which includes the Arab League, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Gulf Cooperation Council, and OPEC. These institutions were created for solidarity between the countries of the Middle East. The purpose of this paper is to examine the role and position of established institutions in the international community of the Middle East. The main question is whether the constructed institutions have been able to contribute to the formation of an international Middle Eastern solidarity society? The hypothesis of this research is that despite the established institutions, the international community has not been formed in the Middle East. This study, from the point of view of the paradigm of the international community of the English school, shows that in this region, tension and intermittent conflict are more than cohesion and peace. In other words, established institutions in the Middle East are regimes that have not only failed to shape the international community in the East, but have increased tensions.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_140182_71e47067d8bb2bf991d9959db86d5db2.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210723Develop a strategic model to promote the global competitiveness of cultural goodsDevelop a strategic model to promote the global competitiveness of cultural goods26823914310910.22034/irr.2021.304621.2044FASheydaSefidgariPhD Student in Business Policy and Policy Making, Alborz University, University of TehranAliasgharPourezatProfessor of Public Policy, Faculty of Management, University of TehranManochehrAnsariAssociate Professor of Management Sciences, Faculty of Management, University of TehranSeyed RohollahHoseiniAssistant Professor of French Literature, Comparative Orientation, Director of the Department of French Studies, Faculty of World Studies, University of TehranJournal Article20210913This article is based on the doctoral dissertation entitled "Development of a strategic model to promote global competitiveness of cultural goods (a case study of the performing arts in France)" in which it examines cultural policy at the level of national competition and trade strategies or Commercialization deals with product, enterprise and industry levels. The main objectives of the research are to determine the components, relationships and logic between them and to validate this model, which was studied to achieve the market of cultural goods in France.<br />The research is developmental in terms of purpose, in terms of lack of exploratory hypothesis and in terms of data analysis is a mixed type (qualitative and quantitative).<br />In the first phase of the research, the source of data collection includes library studies and interviews, based on interviews with 20 elites in the fields of culture and art, management and futures studies, cultural and artistic staff and administrators in Tehran and Paris. Data analysis was performed at this stage through data theory (grounded theory) and the components and the initial conceptual model were extracted. In the second ۴, 425 questionnaires were distributed among art authors and owners of art goods, and by analyzing them, the relationships and logic between the components were extracted, and 4 items from the SEM were tested.This article is based on the doctoral dissertation entitled "Development of a strategic model to promote global competitiveness of cultural goods (a case study of the performing arts in France)" in which it examines cultural policy at the level of national competition and trade strategies or Commercialization deals with product, enterprise and industry levels. The main objectives of the research are to determine the components, relationships and logic between them and to validate this model, which was studied to achieve the market of cultural goods in France.<br />The research is developmental in terms of purpose, in terms of lack of exploratory hypothesis and in terms of data analysis is a mixed type (qualitative and quantitative).<br />In the first phase of the research, the source of data collection includes library studies and interviews, based on interviews with 20 elites in the fields of culture and art, management and futures studies, cultural and artistic staff and administrators in Tehran and Paris. Data analysis was performed at this stage through data theory (grounded theory) and the components and the initial conceptual model were extracted. In the second ۴, 425 questionnaires were distributed among art authors and owners of art goods, and by analyzing them, the relationships and logic between the components were extracted, and 4 items from the SEM were tested.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_143109_3ec9943b14c21e3f538348080c16e65f.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210723The concept of citizenship behavior in the process of globalizationThe concept of citizenship behavior in the process of globalization26929014239210.22034/irr.2021.149278.1298FAAsgharAlamtabrizAssistant Professor, Faculty of Environment, KarajAkbarAlamtabrizProfessor of Industrial Management, Shahid Beheshti UniversityMohammadTaleghaniAssociate Professor, Department of Industrial Management, Islamic Azad University, Rasht Branch, Rasht, Iran.Seyed AkbarNilipour TabatabaeiAssistant Professor Malik Ashtar University of IsfahanMohammadHasanpoorPhD student in Human Resource Management, Institute of Natural Crisis Engineering (Research Index). University of EsfahanJournal Article20180919Globalization has had an impact on all the concepts in societies, so that all of them, in opposition to globalization, have addressed the values and meanings and concepts that they have in themselves, and in order to expand or redefine it. Is Human needs are such that today, without international communication and the development of relationships in the context of accepted behaviors and ethics throughout the world, it is not possible. Human needs are such that today, without international communication and the development of relationships in the context of accepted behaviors and ethics throughout the world, it is not possible. One of these concepts is the notion of citizenship behavior that has evolved today as the global citizenship behavior. The purpose of this study is to explain the effects of the concept of universal citizenship behavior from the managerial point of view. In this research, based on the concepts and definitions of citizenship behavior and its social, cultural and political dimensions, we examine the ways of sharing this concept in management's discussion, and we will present some suggestions below.Globalization has had an impact on all the concepts in societies, so that all of them, in opposition to globalization, have addressed the values and meanings and concepts that they have in themselves, and in order to expand or redefine it. Is Human needs are such that today, without international communication and the development of relationships in the context of accepted behaviors and ethics throughout the world, it is not possible. Human needs are such that today, without international communication and the development of relationships in the context of accepted behaviors and ethics throughout the world, it is not possible. One of these concepts is the notion of citizenship behavior that has evolved today as the global citizenship behavior. The purpose of this study is to explain the effects of the concept of universal citizenship behavior from the managerial point of view. In this research, based on the concepts and definitions of citizenship behavior and its social, cultural and political dimensions, we examine the ways of sharing this concept in management's discussion, and we will present some suggestions below.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_142392_e0e78a6e18c270370955b1aecb3e2b59.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210723Pathology of related lawsuits and its effects on Iranian and Egyptian lawPathology of related lawsuits and its effects on Iranian and Egyptian law29131815086410.22034/irr.2022.338392.2176FAJalalJafariDepartment of Private Law, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.JavadKhaleghianDepartment of Private Law, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranJalilMalekiDepartment of Private Law, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20220419The purpose of this study is to investigate related claims in Iranian law and Egyptian law. Related lawsuits that may not be within the jurisdiction of the trial court lead to a variety of questions. In this context, it is important whether the Iranian and Egyptian courts in litigation have jurisdiction over the relevant litigation, depending on whether they have jurisdiction over the main litigation? The present article uses a descriptive-analytical method and a comparative approach to consider the position of the Egyptian and Iranian legal systems on these issues. This article shows that the Egyptian and Iranian courts, if they have jurisdiction to hear the main lawsuit, also have jurisdiction to hear related lawsuits. In contrast, in Iranian law, the jurisdiction of a foreign court to hear a major dispute does not preclude a competent Iranian court from hearing a related dispute, but there is disagreement in Egyptian law.The purpose of this study is to investigate related claims in Iranian law and Egyptian law. Related lawsuits that may not be within the jurisdiction of the trial court lead to a variety of questions. In this context, it is important whether the Iranian and Egyptian courts in litigation have jurisdiction over the relevant litigation, depending on whether they have jurisdiction over the main litigation? The present article uses a descriptive-analytical method and a comparative approach to consider the position of the Egyptian and Iranian legal systems on these issues. This article shows that the Egyptian and Iranian courts, if they have jurisdiction to hear the main lawsuit, also have jurisdiction to hear related lawsuits. In contrast, in Iranian law, the jurisdiction of a foreign court to hear a major dispute does not preclude a competent Iranian court from hearing a related dispute, but there is disagreement in Egyptian law.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_150864_48fb127b689324f6a7105a867b279415.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210723Negative Consequences of Public Service Motivational Structure for Optimal Policy Making
In order to develop government organizationsNegative Consequences of Public Service Motivational Structure for Optimal Policy Making
In order to develop government organizations31933515277410.22034/irr.2022.348254.2209FALiliFerdosipourPhD Student, Department of Public Administration, Kerman Branch, Islamic Azad University, Kerman, IranHamdollahManzari TavakoliAssociate Professor, Department of Management, Kerman Branch, Islamic Azad University, Kerman, IranMohammadJalal KamaliAssistant Professor, Department of Management, Kerman Branch, Islamic Azad University, Kerman, IranHamidrezaMollaeiAssistant Professor, Department of Industrial Management, Kerman Branch, Islamic Azad University, Kerman, IranJournal Article20220621In the light of scholars' views on the positive and transparent nature of public service motivation, this study seeks to dispel previous research with a holistic perception by stating that "high levels of PSM may lead to negative consequences for government agencies." Positive and negative) to analyze the institutional change in the motivational structure and challenge the public transparency and positive motivation of public service. Few global studies have been conducted on the relationship between high public service motivation and its negative consequences. Our goal is to address this gap by proposing a model that helps develop public service incentive mechanisms and improves the policy-making of government agencies with a more holistic view. This was done by analyzing the relationships between high PSM and its dark spots at the individual and organizational levels. The purpose of the research was fundamental, using a quantitative approach of the structural equation method, the possibility of model validation was created and a researcher-made questionnaire was used for the study. In the sampling, 400 employees of government organizations were selected by Cochran's method. The results of the study confirm the relationship between high public service motivation and the negative consequences of public service motivation at the individual and organizational levels.In the light of scholars' views on the positive and transparent nature of public service motivation, this study seeks to dispel previous research with a holistic perception by stating that "high levels of PSM may lead to negative consequences for government agencies." Positive and negative) to analyze the institutional change in the motivational structure and challenge the public transparency and positive motivation of public service. Few global studies have been conducted on the relationship between high public service motivation and its negative consequences. Our goal is to address this gap by proposing a model that helps develop public service incentive mechanisms and improves the policy-making of government agencies with a more holistic view. This was done by analyzing the relationships between high PSM and its dark spots at the individual and organizational levels. The purpose of the research was fundamental, using a quantitative approach of the structural equation method, the possibility of model validation was created and a researcher-made questionnaire was used for the study. In the sampling, 400 employees of government organizations were selected by Cochran's method. The results of the study confirm the relationship between high public service motivation and the negative consequences of public service motivation at the individual and organizational levels.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_152774_72a9d54d9a794568b79f7976fc393562.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210723Qualitative analysis of the governance model of water resources consumption as an environmental problemQualitative analysis of the governance model of water resources consumption as an environmental problem33735817799210.22034/irr.2023.405467.2405FASaeidNafisifarPhD student, Department of Business Administration, Semnan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Semnan, IranSeyed AbdollahHeidariyehAssistant Professor, Department of Management, Semnan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Semnan, IranJournal Article20230704Today, providing sustainable fresh water resources is a fundamental problem that requires adaptation. This requires culture for optimal consumption. Because the growth of population, expansion of urbanization, and on the other hand, the development of industry, have caused an increase in the demand for water. While the country's water resources are limited, drinking water resources, as one of the most important issues in international environmental law, have transnational characteristics and should be fundamentally considered as a borderless problem. The present study was conducted with the aim of explaining the pattern of cultural formation in the optimal consumption of drinking water in the Islamic Republic of Iran using qualitative research method. In this research, the foundational data theory approach and interviews with 21 experts in the wastewater industry were conducted using the snowball method during three stages of open, central, and selective coding. Based on the results at this stage, the conceptual model of the research was extracted in 6 causal, contextual, intervening/facilitating factors, strategies and consequences. five categories of "social factors", "management factors", "legal-legal factors", "cultural factors" and "economic factors" as causal conditions; "Lifestyle", "attitude towards water consumption" and "regional and international factors": as contextual factors; "Creating another option for water consumption", "comprehension of a comprehensive document" and "technical and engineering factors" are intervening factors. Cultivation in the optimal use of water resources were identified according to the obtained results, actions such as "upgrading educational infrastructure", "increasing the level of information and awareness of people", "attention to international interactions",Today, providing sustainable fresh water resources is a fundamental problem that requires adaptation. This requires culture for optimal consumption. Because the growth of population, expansion of urbanization, and on the other hand, the development of industry, have caused an increase in the demand for water. While the country's water resources are limited, drinking water resources, as one of the most important issues in international environmental law, have transnational characteristics and should be fundamentally considered as a borderless problem. The present study was conducted with the aim of explaining the pattern of cultural formation in the optimal consumption of drinking water in the Islamic Republic of Iran using qualitative research method. In this research, the foundational data theory approach and interviews with 21 experts in the wastewater industry were conducted using the snowball method during three stages of open, central, and selective coding. Based on the results at this stage, the conceptual model of the research was extracted in 6 causal, contextual, intervening/facilitating factors, strategies and consequences. five categories of "social factors", "management factors", "legal-legal factors", "cultural factors" and "economic factors" as causal conditions; "Lifestyle", "attitude towards water consumption" and "regional and international factors": as contextual factors; "Creating another option for water consumption", "comprehension of a comprehensive document" and "technical and engineering factors" are intervening factors. Cultivation in the optimal use of water resources were identified according to the obtained results, actions such as "upgrading educational infrastructure", "increasing the level of information and awareness of people", "attention to international interactions",https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_177992_d111bf3de78890099fd0ad4235b1f93c.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210823British policy towards the Iranian Constitutional RevolutionBritish policy towards the Iranian Constitutional Revolution35937724408410.22034/irr.2021.192128FAKyomarsAhmadiPhD in Islamic History, Department of Humanities, Mecca Martyrs Center, Farhangian University, Tehran, IranJournal Article<span class="HwtZe" lang="en"><span class="ryNqvb">The Iranian Constitutional Revolution is considered one of the most important political developments in contemporary Iranian history.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">In the meantime, England's policy towards the Constitutional Revolution has a special place, because Britain was simultaneously seeking to preserve its colonial interests in Iran and contain the influence of Tsarist Russia.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">This research aims to examine England's policy during the Iranian Constitutional Revolution and analyzes the goals, tools, and consequences of London's approach to Iranian political developments.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The main question of the article is why and how England supported some constitutional movements and at the same time supported the limitation and control of the revolution at different stages.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The theoretical framework of the research is based on Walt's realist approach to international relations, which considers the behavior of states to be subordinate to national interests and the balance of threats.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The research method is descriptive-analytical and the data were collected based on library sources and historical documents.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The research findings show that England's initial support for the Constitutionalists was more in line with preserving the country's geopolitical interests and preventing the expansion of Russian influence in Iran than in terms of a commitment to freedom and democracy.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The Constitutionalists' blockade of the British embassy, political and media support for some Constitutionalist leaders, and efforts to influence the power structure of Iran were part of England's policies during this period.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">However, after the conclusion of the 1907 agreement between Russia and England and the division of Iran into spheres of influence, London's policy shifted toward controlling and limiting the Constitutionalist movement.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">As a result, England's policy in the Constitutional Revolution should be considered a pragmatic policy, based on colonial interests and subject to the competition of great powers, which had a profound impact on the course of political developments in Iran.</span></span><span class="HwtZe" lang="en"><span class="ryNqvb">The Iranian Constitutional Revolution is considered one of the most important political developments in contemporary Iranian history.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">In the meantime, England's policy towards the Constitutional Revolution has a special place, because Britain was simultaneously seeking to preserve its colonial interests in Iran and contain the influence of Tsarist Russia.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">This research aims to examine England's policy during the Iranian Constitutional Revolution and analyzes the goals, tools, and consequences of London's approach to Iranian political developments.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The main question of the article is why and how England supported some constitutional movements and at the same time supported the limitation and control of the revolution at different stages.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The theoretical framework of the research is based on Walt's realist approach to international relations, which considers the behavior of states to be subordinate to national interests and the balance of threats.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The research method is descriptive-analytical and the data were collected based on library sources and historical documents.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The research findings show that England's initial support for the Constitutionalists was more in line with preserving the country's geopolitical interests and preventing the expansion of Russian influence in Iran than in terms of a commitment to freedom and democracy.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The Constitutionalists' blockade of the British embassy, political and media support for some Constitutionalist leaders, and efforts to influence the power structure of Iran were part of England's policies during this period.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">However, after the conclusion of the 1907 agreement between Russia and England and the division of Iran into spheres of influence, London's policy shifted toward controlling and limiting the Constitutionalist movement.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">As a result, England's policy in the Constitutional Revolution should be considered a pragmatic policy, based on colonial interests and subject to the competition of great powers, which had a profound impact on the course of political developments in Iran.</span></span>https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_244084_45e586d11a5e462c9b762da90b7d7adc.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844411220210823The impact of the structure of the political system on the degree of openness and closure of the media as a driver of political, economic, and social developmentThe impact of the structure of the political system on the degree of openness and closure of the media as a driver of political, economic, and social development37939525036410.22034/irr.2021.192121FAZeinabolsadatMirhadiPhD student in Media Management, Department of Media Management, Faculty of Management and Economics, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.AliakbarFarhangiProfessor of Media Management, Department of Media Management, Faculty of Management and Economics, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. Visiting Professor, Department of Media Management, Faculty of Management and Economics, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. (Corresponding author)AtaolahAbtahiAssistant Professor, Department of Media Management, Department of Media Management, Faculty of Management and Economics, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.HamidrezaHosseinidanaAssistant Professor, Department of Media Management, Faculty of Humanities and Arts, Islamic Azad University, Damavand, Iran, Damavand branch. Visiting Professor, Department of Media Management, Faculty of Management and Economics, Science and Research Unit, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranAbasaliGhayomiAssociate Professor, Department of Cultural Management, Faculty of Management, North Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Visiting Professor, Department of Media Management, Faculty of Management and Economics, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article<span class="HwtZe" lang="en"><span class="ryNqvb">This article deals with the role of the media in political, economic and social development.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The media, as they affect political, economic and social structures, are also strongly influenced by these structures, especially the political structure, to the extent that in countries with open political systems, the media are also open and have fewer restrictions, but in closed political systems, the media face more restrictions. Therefore, in this regard, the main question of this article is what is the relationship between the degree of openness and closure of the dominant political system and the degree of openness and closure of the media as a driver of economic, political and social development. In response to the hypothesis of this article, the degree of closure and openness of the media as a driver of political, economic and social development is a function of the degree of openness and closure of the dominant political system.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The research method in this article is an explanatory method and the data and evidence have been collected in a library manner.</span></span><span class="HwtZe" lang="en"><span class="ryNqvb">This article deals with the role of the media in political, economic and social development.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The media, as they affect political, economic and social structures, are also strongly influenced by these structures, especially the political structure, to the extent that in countries with open political systems, the media are also open and have fewer restrictions, but in closed political systems, the media face more restrictions. Therefore, in this regard, the main question of this article is what is the relationship between the degree of openness and closure of the dominant political system and the degree of openness and closure of the media as a driver of economic, political and social development. In response to the hypothesis of this article, the degree of closure and openness of the media as a driver of political, economic and social development is a function of the degree of openness and closure of the dominant political system.</span> <span class="ryNqvb">The research method in this article is an explanatory method and the data and evidence have been collected in a library manner.</span></span>https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_250364_5a7178f22c142460d56a161a4657c84a.pdf