The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 Chinese view of international relations knowledge: A framework for changing the world order Chinese view of international relations knowledge: A framework for changing the world order 7 30 144714 10.22034/irr.2021.144714 FA Behnam Vakili phd student Arsalan Ghorbani Sheikh Neshin Professor, Department of International Relations, Kharazmi University, Tehran Saeed Mirtorabi Department of International Relations, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Kharazmi University, 0000-0003-3697-2672 Journal Article 2022 02 12 Along with economic growth and increasing Beijing's involvement in world politics, one of the most striking aspects of Beijing's power in the current context which could explain the nature of China's rising power is the development of Chinese theories of International Relations. The article tries to explore the deep relationship between emerging Chinese theories in the field of International Relations and the consolidation of the country's position in world politics. In this regard, the article, by using descriptive-analytical method, tries to answer its main question: how and for what purpose do Chinese thinkers try to break away from the dominant Western discourse and create indigenous theories? In answer to this question, the main argument based on Randall Collins's studies of intellectual creativity is based on the logic that Chinese thinkers are trying to draw a distinction between themselves and Western thought, relying on national ideology and reliefs of China’s ancient culture to create an independent model of international order with the aim of consolidating Beijing's hegemonic position. The research findings show that the evolution and dynamic process of the Chinese School of International Relations is under broad political goals and goes beyond a rational link between foreign events and theorizing. Along with economic growth and increasing Beijing's involvement in world politics, one of the most striking aspects of Beijing's power in the current context which could explain the nature of China's rising power is the development of Chinese theories of International Relations. The article tries to explore the deep relationship between emerging Chinese theories in the field of International Relations and the consolidation of the country's position in world politics. In this regard, the article, by using descriptive-analytical method, tries to answer its main question: how and for what purpose do Chinese thinkers try to break away from the dominant Western discourse and create indigenous theories? In answer to this question, the main argument based on Randall Collins's studies of intellectual creativity is based on the logic that Chinese thinkers are trying to draw a distinction between themselves and Western thought, relying on national ideology and reliefs of China’s ancient culture to create an independent model of international order with the aim of consolidating Beijing's hegemonic position. The research findings show that the evolution and dynamic process of the Chinese School of International Relations is under broad political goals and goes beyond a rational link between foreign events and theorizing.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_144714_0dbab9fffbb732543d36b80dbaffc45b.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 An Analysis of the Impact of the Rise of ISIS on the Energy Economy in Syria and Israel An Analysis of the Impact of the Rise of ISIS on the Energy Economy in Syria and Israel 31 68 141469 10.22034/irr.2021.299628.2027 FA Mahdi Mohamadiyan Ph.D. student of political geography, Najafabad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Najafabad, Iran. Hojat Mahkouii Univercity najafabad 0000-0002-7085-1834 سارا فلاحی Department of Political Science, Elam Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ilam, Iran. Yosef Zeinolabedin Amoghyn Department of Geography, Rasht Branch, Islamic Azad University, Gilan, Iran Journal Article 2021 08 13 ISIS is a terrorist group that is believed to be a Salafi takfiri jihadist with dry beliefs and a superficial interpretation of religious principles. The origins of ISIS go back to the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and its activities began with the formation of Al-Tawhid and Al-Jihad groups led by Abu Musab Zarqawi (2006-2004) and gradually with Zarqawi's allegiance to bin Laden, the name of this organization became Al-Qaeda in Iraq or Al-Qaeda in Balad Al-Rafidin. The group posed major challenges in West Asia, in the Levant Basin and on the eastern borders of the Mediterranean. This article aims to investigate the emergence of ISIS in the energy economy of Syria and Israel. The main question is what effects did the rise of ISIS have on the energy economy of Syria and Israel? The qualitative research method and the nature of the descriptive-analytical method have been done with the data collection tools of libraries and Internet sites.The results of the research show that the Syrian economy has been seriously damaged during the presence of ISIS in this country and has suffered losses, especially in the field of energy However, given Israel's proximity to Syria and the proximity of ISIS to its borders, Israel has not only not faced economic challenges, but its energy economy has been accompanied by positive developments and an increasing trend in exports. ISIS is a terrorist group that is believed to be a Salafi takfiri jihadist with dry beliefs and a superficial interpretation of religious principles. The origins of ISIS go back to the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and its activities began with the formation of Al-Tawhid and Al-Jihad groups led by Abu Musab Zarqawi (2006-2004) and gradually with Zarqawi's allegiance to bin Laden, the name of this organization became Al-Qaeda in Iraq or Al-Qaeda in Balad Al-Rafidin. The group posed major challenges in West Asia, in the Levant Basin and on the eastern borders of the Mediterranean. This article aims to investigate the emergence of ISIS in the energy economy of Syria and Israel. The main question is what effects did the rise of ISIS have on the energy economy of Syria and Israel? The qualitative research method and the nature of the descriptive-analytical method have been done with the data collection tools of libraries and Internet sites.The results of the research show that the Syrian economy has been seriously damaged during the presence of ISIS in this country and has suffered losses, especially in the field of energy However, given Israel's proximity to Syria and the proximity of ISIS to its borders, Israel has not only not faced economic challenges, but its energy economy has been accompanied by positive developments and an increasing trend in exports.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_141469_0a5895eee24ee12fdf37c3439f711f8a.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 Joche Movement, One Bed and Two Constructions Joche Movement, One Bed and Two Constructions 69 94 143084 10.22034/irr.2022.297328.2017 FA Journal Article 2021 07 29 Social movements are always accelerating the scope of change in the nation-state structure. How do social structures structure identity when social movements are conceived by ideological leaders? Has this concern always been raised in the process of the Joche movement in North Korea? Since the end of World War II (2021 AD), the revolutionary actions of the Kim Il-sung family have been designed to advance the country and differentiate itself on the international stage within the framework of the Joche movement. The fundamental question is, how has the Joche movement, as the identifying element of the North Korean government-people, taken shape? The research method of this article is theoretical and descriptive-analytical. Data collection is a library method. The hypothesis of the present study has tested this answer with a theoretical constructivist approach that has identified the measures of the ideological leaders of the Joche Do movement in North Korea. The research findings show that the Joche movement, which initially identified itself with national self-reliance and self-sufficiency, has finally changed its nature due to internal authoritarianism and the inefficiency of agents, de facto and fragile cooperation with world powers in the international arena. As a result, with the adoption of Sangun's policy, it has been subjected to involuntary and intense foreign and international revision. This process has led to a state of stagnation and isolation in the fields of economy, society, politics, international relations, and culture, and has been placed in a security impasse. Social movements are always accelerating the scope of change in the nation-state structure. How do social structures structure identity when social movements are conceived by ideological leaders? Has this concern always been raised in the process of the Joche movement in North Korea? Since the end of World War II (2021 AD), the revolutionary actions of the Kim Il-sung family have been designed to advance the country and differentiate itself on the international stage within the framework of the Joche movement. The fundamental question is, how has the Joche movement, as the identifying element of the North Korean government-people, taken shape? The research method of this article is theoretical and descriptive-analytical. Data collection is a library method. The hypothesis of the present study has tested this answer with a theoretical constructivist approach that has identified the measures of the ideological leaders of the Joche Do movement in North Korea. The research findings show that the Joche movement, which initially identified itself with national self-reliance and self-sufficiency, has finally changed its nature due to internal authoritarianism and the inefficiency of agents, de facto and fragile cooperation with world powers in the international arena. As a result, with the adoption of Sangun's policy, it has been subjected to involuntary and intense foreign and international revision. This process has led to a state of stagnation and isolation in the fields of economy, society, politics, international relations, and culture, and has been placed in a security impasse.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_143084_c3a44bcbae8505340a2311df53d5b365.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 China's influence in the light of the US security role in the Persian Gulf China's influence in the light of the US security role in the Persian Gulf 95 118 143124 10.22034/irr.2022.297021.2012 FA Ghaffar Zarei Department of political science 0000-0002-0521-2470 Mohammad Ahmadinia Department of political science Ali Mohammad Haghighi Department of political science Journal Article 2021 07 27 Perceptions of the US desire to withdraw from the Persian Gulf are accompanied by the question of whether the potential power vacuum created by this event will be filled by emerging powers such as China and Russia. The present article specifically seeks an appropriate answer to the question, "Will China's growing economic interest in the Persian Gulf lead to Beijing's active security policy in the region?" And why? According to the paper, China's economic diplomacy in the Persian Gulf in the short or medium term, as entering into complex Gulf security challenges is at odds with Beijing's policy of maximizing trade capacity to advance national strategic goals. "The period will not lead to the adoption of an active security policy in the region." Findings of the article obtained by the inferential methodology under the theory of strategic coverage, while confirming the hypothesis of the article, is accompanied by the conclusion that the promotion of China's economic interests in the region and its efforts to further influence the region by resorting to safe strategy Reconstruction could potentially lead to the gradual and long-term end of US hegemony in the Persian Gulf. This research is of descriptive-analytical (qualitative) type and in the process of analyzing the findings, inferential methodology has been used. Data collection was also done using the library method based on objective-historical data. Perceptions of the US desire to withdraw from the Persian Gulf are accompanied by the question of whether the potential power vacuum created by this event will be filled by emerging powers such as China and Russia. The present article specifically seeks an appropriate answer to the question, "Will China's growing economic interest in the Persian Gulf lead to Beijing's active security policy in the region?" And why? According to the paper, China's economic diplomacy in the Persian Gulf in the short or medium term, as entering into complex Gulf security challenges is at odds with Beijing's policy of maximizing trade capacity to advance national strategic goals. "The period will not lead to the adoption of an active security policy in the region." Findings of the article obtained by the inferential methodology under the theory of strategic coverage, while confirming the hypothesis of the article, is accompanied by the conclusion that the promotion of China's economic interests in the region and its efforts to further influence the region by resorting to safe strategy Reconstruction could potentially lead to the gradual and long-term end of US hegemony in the Persian Gulf. This research is of descriptive-analytical (qualitative) type and in the process of analyzing the findings, inferential methodology has been used. Data collection was also done using the library method based on objective-historical data.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_143124_0f4f4e2803c1519a6ab85f9064d45024.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 Analysis of Mirza Malek Khan's discourse on the concept of freedom in the constitutional revolution Analysis of Mirza Malek Khan's discourse on the concept of freedom in the constitutional revolution 119 146 144278 10.22034/irr.2022.315076.2075 FA Bahman Ahmadi PhD Student in Political Science, Sociology, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran Seyed Esmail Hoseinigoli Assistant Professor of Political Science, Public Policy Orientation, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran Abdolhoosein Allahkaram Assistant Professor of Political Science, Political Thought, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran Mohamad Rahim Eivazi Professor, Department of Political Science and Political Studies, Islamic Revolution, Faculty of Humanities, Shahed University, Tehran, Iran. Journal Article 2021 11 14 The Constitutional Revolution in Iran, as a turning point in the political history of the country, in addition to extensive socio-political developments, introduced new concepts such as justice, law and freedom, etc. into Iranian political literature. Meanwhile, "freedom", the concept and dimensions of which have always been one of the most challenging scientific issues in the humanities, during the constitutional period, various approaches to its study, meaning, perception and dimensions emerged and thinkers, religious leaders and political activists. They expressed a different view of this basic concept of political philosophy, and each defined freedom according to his own intellectual foundations and with the tendency to which he was bound, and expressed his conception of freedom. However, the analysis of the discourse of different thinkers about the concept of freedom can make us more aware of a more accurate understanding of the intellectual foundations of the spectrum related to that thought. Accordingly, in this article, an attempt has been made to analyze the discourse of one of the prominent personalities of the constitutional era, from the spectrum of Western intellectuals, about the concept and dimensions of "freedom", namely "Mirza Malek Khan". In the present study, which was carried out by the analysis of Laclau and Moff discourse, the results were obtained that the central signifier of Mirza Malek Khan's thinking in relation to the discourse of freedom, law, security and order is Mirza Malek Khan's discourse on freedom in The Constitutional Revolution The Constitutional Revolution in Iran, as a turning point in the political history of the country, in addition to extensive socio-political developments, introduced new concepts such as justice, law and freedom, etc. into Iranian political literature. Meanwhile, "freedom", the concept and dimensions of which have always been one of the most challenging scientific issues in the humanities, during the constitutional period, various approaches to its study, meaning, perception and dimensions emerged and thinkers, religious leaders and political activists. They expressed a different view of this basic concept of political philosophy, and each defined freedom according to his own intellectual foundations and with the tendency to which he was bound, and expressed his conception of freedom. However, the analysis of the discourse of different thinkers about the concept of freedom can make us more aware of a more accurate understanding of the intellectual foundations of the spectrum related to that thought. Accordingly, in this article, an attempt has been made to analyze the discourse of one of the prominent personalities of the constitutional era, from the spectrum of Western intellectuals, about the concept and dimensions of "freedom", namely "Mirza Malek Khan". In the present study, which was carried out by the analysis of Laclau and Moff discourse, the results were obtained that the central signifier of Mirza Malek Khan's thinking in relation to the discourse of freedom, law, security and order is Mirza Malek Khan's discourse on freedom in The Constitutional Revolution

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_144278_3d7af75c61a61e772b541a55531c7a35.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 Quad Alliance: Asian NATO to contain China in the Indo-Pacific Quad Alliance: Asian NATO to contain China in the Indo-Pacific 147 178 144277 10.22034/irr.2021.144277 FA Ghodratollah Behboudi Nejad School of international studies, ,Jawahar lal Nehru University 0000-0002-0193-9576 Seyed Reza Taghavi Nejad PhD student at Allameh Tabatabaei University Journal Article 2022 02 03 The rise of China and India‟s economic power in the world have drastically increased the significance of Indo -Pacific region. This region has become the center of gravity of the world‟s politics and economy. China as an emerging power is a threat to the U.S. hegemony and for India as well Japan and Australia. The research is conducted to know the growing geostrategic and geopolitical importance of Indo - pacific region for the U.S and how it is changing dynamically. The study also shows the role of India in the Indo-pacific region, China‟s rising power and its status in the changes of the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region, and the U.S. response towards the growing significance of China. In this contemporary era, the world is gradually diverting its attention from Euro Atlantic to the Indo-Pacific region due to which the Indo- Pacific region is going to face enormous challenges, opportunities, and threats from regional and extra-regional states. This research seeks to answer the question by analyzing and explaining first-hand sources How China's emerging power will change the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region and how the Quad will react to the changing dynamics of the Indo-Pacific region The rise of China and India‟s economic power in the world have drastically increased the significance of Indo -Pacific region. This region has become the center of gravity of the world‟s politics and economy. China as an emerging power is a threat to the U.S. hegemony and for India as well Japan and Australia. The research is conducted to know the growing geostrategic and geopolitical importance of Indo - pacific region for the U.S and how it is changing dynamically. The study also shows the role of India in the Indo-pacific region, China‟s rising power and its status in the changes of the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region, and the U.S. response towards the growing significance of China. In this contemporary era, the world is gradually diverting its attention from Euro Atlantic to the Indo-Pacific region due to which the Indo- Pacific region is going to face enormous challenges, opportunities, and threats from regional and extra-regional states. This research seeks to answer the question by analyzing and explaining first-hand sources How China's emerging power will change the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region and how the Quad will react to the changing dynamics of the Indo-Pacific region

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_144277_c98c81ae8c54a083d5632a8cc37bc8f4.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 Reflection of the open political discourse of the United States of America in the political space of Iran (1978-1977). Reflection of the open political discourse of the United States of America in the political space of Iran (1978-1977). 179 200 144273 10.22034/irr.2021.309893.2063 FA Seyed Hadi Mosavi PhD Student in History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran Morteza Dehghannejhad Professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran Aliakbar Jafari Professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran. Journal Article 2021 10 10 When Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was pressured by the international and domestic community to reduce the atmosphere of repression in the second half of 1976, he was forced to take measures and reforms, Carter declared a political open space in the United States and Jamshid Amoozgar was appointed The Prime Minister in August 1977 was the product of these conditions. To clarify the dimensions of this new discourse, even after years of closed political space, requires reflection on the contexts and components created in the time frame of the research. One of the most important sources for identifying and identifying the characteristics of open political discourse is the Information Newspaper and its approach to the developments and contexts of the new discourse. The main question of this research is what was the reflection of the open political discourse of the United States of America during the term of Prime Minister Jamshid Amoozgar? The method of this research is descriptive-analytical, which will be analyzed after the description of the content. Did. The Shah and the People Revolution, the Resurrection Party, People's Participation, Freedom of Speech and Writing, Human Rights, and the Freedom of Political Party Activities were among the hallmarks of the open political discourse in the Information newspaper and served as a hub for open political discourse. Articulated. . When Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was pressured by the international and domestic community to reduce the atmosphere of repression in the second half of 1976, he was forced to take measures and reforms, Carter declared a political open space in the United States and Jamshid Amoozgar was appointed The Prime Minister in August 1977 was the product of these conditions. To clarify the dimensions of this new discourse, even after years of closed political space, requires reflection on the contexts and components created in the time frame of the research. One of the most important sources for identifying and identifying the characteristics of open political discourse is the Information Newspaper and its approach to the developments and contexts of the new discourse. The main question of this research is what was the reflection of the open political discourse of the United States of America during the term of Prime Minister Jamshid Amoozgar? The method of this research is descriptive-analytical, which will be analyzed after the description of the content. Did. The Shah and the People Revolution, the Resurrection Party, People's Participation, Freedom of Speech and Writing, Human Rights, and the Freedom of Political Party Activities were among the hallmarks of the open political discourse in the Information newspaper and served as a hub for open political discourse. Articulated. .

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_144273_1174ee7cb15b2423e2a52b12dce74130.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 Parliamentary electoral body in modern governance; Feasibility study of a proportional electoral system for the Islamic Republic of Iran Parliamentary electoral body in modern governance; Feasibility study of a proportional electoral system for the Islamic Republic of Iran 201 224 143121 10.22034/irr.2022.318211.2094 FA Hamzeh Alishahi PhD student in Political Science,, Iranian Political Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Faramarz Mirzazade Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Ilam Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ilam, Iran Hasan Khodaverdi department of politicalscience and international relations، south tehran branch، islamic azad university،tehran،iran 0000-0002-7308-6664 Journal Article 2021 12 04 Elections today, as one of the main pillars of current democracies, play a very important role in citizen participation and oversight of the performance and decisions of the agents of different political systems. In the meantime, the parliamentary elections of each country have a different position in accordance with the model of the electoral system of that country, which can be based on powerful parties. The history of more than a century of parliament in Iran, with a majority electoral system since 1285, today has shortcomings that are on the verge of finding a suitable alternative in the form of provincialization of constituencies. But the main question is what kind of electoral system should this alternative be based on so that it can be highly efficient and effective while strengthening the party? The article seeks to answer the above question by assuming that the proportional electoral system is the best possible alternative that can lead to both independent and powerful parties and in the experience of many countries as an appropriate model, efficiency and effectiveness. Using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on the experiences of countries such as Canada, New Zealand, England and Italy, this article seeks to explain the proposed hypothesis and finally concludes that the proportional electoral system (especially in non-single-seat constituencies) Can be considered as the basis for provincialization of the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections instead of the current system. Elections today, as one of the main pillars of current democracies, play a very important role in citizen participation and oversight of the performance and decisions of the agents of different political systems. In the meantime, the parliamentary elections of each country have a different position in accordance with the model of the electoral system of that country, which can be based on powerful parties. The history of more than a century of parliament in Iran, with a majority electoral system since 1285, today has shortcomings that are on the verge of finding a suitable alternative in the form of provincialization of constituencies. But the main question is what kind of electoral system should this alternative be based on so that it can be highly efficient and effective while strengthening the party? The article seeks to answer the above question by assuming that the proportional electoral system is the best possible alternative that can lead to both independent and powerful parties and in the experience of many countries as an appropriate model, efficiency and effectiveness. Using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on the experiences of countries such as Canada, New Zealand, England and Italy, this article seeks to explain the proposed hypothesis and finally concludes that the proportional electoral system (especially in non-single-seat constituencies) Can be considered as the basis for provincialization of the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections instead of the current system.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_143121_60dfeb8310c2e41686af93ad0680209c.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 An analysis of the new turn of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East An analysis of the new turn of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East 225 252 145310 10.22034/irr.2022.291231.1989 FA Jaber Ghasemi Faculty member of Payame Noor University of Bushehr Amirali Madadi PhD in Political Science, Department of Political Science, Journal Article 2021 06 18 With the rise of the AKP to power in 2002, the country's foreign policy inevitably embarked on a new path based on the two doctrines of "zero tension with neighbors" and "strategic depth." But since 2012, in line with popular uprisings in the region and the Muslim world, Turkey has gradually shifted away from its former foreign policy in the Middle East, increasing its understanding of threats, competing with other regional powers, increasing its use of force, risky behavior, and Prioritizing the policy of unilateralism has been accompanied. This new approach has led to a strong focus on national security, efforts for greater strategic independence, and the militarization of foreign policy. Regarding this development, some researches have emphasized the expansionist approach of neo-Ottomanism, while others consider the Islamic Awakening and the subsequent developments as the cause of the turn of Turkey's foreign policy. Other research looks at the 2016 coup and the rivalry of political elites as the root of this change. The tense environment of society considers the redefinition of Turkey's role in the region and the transformation of power in the international system as the five main and influential components in changing the foreign policy of this country towards the Middle East region. Among the above components, the change in the balance of power at the international and regional levels and the increasing position of Erdoğan himself in the power structure have had the greatest impact on Turkey's Middle East policy. With the rise of the AKP to power in 2002, the country's foreign policy inevitably embarked on a new path based on the two doctrines of "zero tension with neighbors" and "strategic depth." But since 2012, in line with popular uprisings in the region and the Muslim world, Turkey has gradually shifted away from its former foreign policy in the Middle East, increasing its understanding of threats, competing with other regional powers, increasing its use of force, risky behavior, and Prioritizing the policy of unilateralism has been accompanied. This new approach has led to a strong focus on national security, efforts for greater strategic independence, and the militarization of foreign policy. Regarding this development, some researches have emphasized the expansionist approach of neo-Ottomanism, while others consider the Islamic Awakening and the subsequent developments as the cause of the turn of Turkey's foreign policy. Other research looks at the 2016 coup and the rivalry of political elites as the root of this change. The tense environment of society considers the redefinition of Turkey's role in the region and the transformation of power in the international system as the five main and influential components in changing the foreign policy of this country towards the Middle East region. Among the above components, the change in the balance of power at the international and regional levels and the increasing position of Erdoğan himself in the power structure have had the greatest impact on Turkey's Middle East policy.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_145310_36346f8a2ce1a9b19faa1e2a7fd9964c.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 The Impact of the Geopolitical Developments in the Countries on the Southern Border of the Persian Gulf Particularly Saudi Arabia) on the National Security of Iran The Impact of the Geopolitical Developments in the Countries on the Southern Border of the Persian Gulf Particularly Saudi Arabia) on the National Security of Iran 246 227 145906 10.22034/irr.2022.145906 FA Ali Haghighatshenas PhD Student in Political Geography, Department of Geography, Faculty of Literature, Humanities and Social Sciences, Research and Sciences Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Abdolreza Farajirad Associate Professor, Department of Geography, Faculty of Literature, Humanities and Social Sciences, Research Sciences and Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. 0009-0003-5013-9975 Ribaz Ghorbani Nejad Assistant Professor, Department of Geography, Faculty of Literature, Humanities and Social Sciences, Research and Sciences Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Journal Article 2022 03 05 Geopolitical visas in the Persian Gulf have always affected the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent decades. These dynamics include escalating tensions and rivalries between Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran over spheres of influence, expanding the US presence in the Persian Gulf through the establishment of military and naval bases, and, ultimately, increasing interactions between Gulf Cooperation Council members. Persia pointed to Israel. Due to the importance of this issue, this study seeks to investigate how regional dynamics in the Persian Gulf affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran with a comprehensive approach. In this regard, this study seeks to answer the central question: What effect has the geopolitical developments in the southern countries of the Persian Gulf, centered on Saudi Arabia, had on Iran's national security? Findings show that the geopolitical factors of the Persian Gulf alone are not the cause of insecurity and stress, but when combined with other factors, they can be stressful. As geographical and geopolitical factors are gradually formed, they have a relatively stable effect. The geopolitical conditions of the region and its countries are such that instability in each country exceeds their borders. These long conflicts and the achievement of balance are inevitable. Geopolitical visas in the Persian Gulf have always affected the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent decades. These dynamics include escalating tensions and rivalries between Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran over spheres of influence, expanding the US presence in the Persian Gulf through the establishment of military and naval bases, and, ultimately, increasing interactions between Gulf Cooperation Council members. Persia pointed to Israel. Due to the importance of this issue, this study seeks to investigate how regional dynamics in the Persian Gulf affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran with a comprehensive approach. In this regard, this study seeks to answer the central question: What effect has the geopolitical developments in the southern countries of the Persian Gulf, centered on Saudi Arabia, had on Iran's national security? Findings show that the geopolitical factors of the Persian Gulf alone are not the cause of insecurity and stress, but when combined with other factors, they can be stressful. As geographical and geopolitical factors are gradually formed, they have a relatively stable effect. The geopolitical conditions of the region and its countries are such that instability in each country exceeds their borders. These long conflicts and the achievement of balance are inevitable.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_145906_3a833ce1052626ebbc37edf5e164e3f6.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 A strategic reflection on the concept of espionage in law Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Iran in the light of the Arab Spring A strategic reflection on the concept of espionage in law Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Iran in the light of the Arab Spring 247 279 146849 10.22034/irr.2022.313891.2071 FA Seyed Mohammad Hashemi PhD Student, Department of Criminal Law and Criminology, Maragheh Branch, Islamic Azad University, Maragheh, Iran Ahmad Falahi Assistant Professor, Department of Criminal Law and Criminology, Sanandaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Sanandaj, Iran Jamal Beigi Associate Professor, Department of Criminal Law and Criminology, Maragheh Branch, Islamic Azad University, Maragheh, Iran. Journal Article 2021 11 07 After the Arab Spring, which overthrew the lifelong regimes of the Persian Gulf countries, the alarm bells rang for the rulers of Saudi Arabia and its allies, on the one hand, regional crises and the rise of Iran's influence and power in the Middle East, especially in Syria. , Lebanon, and on the other hand, Iran's role in Yemen and Bahrain, caused great concern to the Saudi government and its affiliates about Iran's activities and increased tensions with Iran. Various countries from Bahrain, Iran, Afghanistan, Lebanon, etc. were unfairly tried on charges of espionage and links to Iran, and then sentenced to death. The question in this article is what is the strategy of punishing espionage in the countries of Saudi Arabia and Bahrain in the face of the accused of espionage, especially (sources, informants) of the intelligence services of the mentioned countries? And what will be Iran's national security strategy towards Saudi Arabia and Bahrain? The present article, using an analytical method, a library with a comparative approach, examined the existing laws and found that the legislator in all three countries did not define the crime of espionage but pointed to its examples, no crime was committed in Saudi Arabia It is issued according to Islamic Sharia law, and it is possible for a judge to interfere in the sentencing process, but in Bahrain, the crime of security has been criminalized, and the main punishment in Bahrain is the death penalty. After the Arab Spring, which overthrew the lifelong regimes of the Persian Gulf countries, the alarm bells rang for the rulers of Saudi Arabia and its allies, on the one hand, regional crises and the rise of Iran's influence and power in the Middle East, especially in Syria. , Lebanon, and on the other hand, Iran's role in Yemen and Bahrain, caused great concern to the Saudi government and its affiliates about Iran's activities and increased tensions with Iran. Various countries from Bahrain, Iran, Afghanistan, Lebanon, etc. were unfairly tried on charges of espionage and links to Iran, and then sentenced to death. The question in this article is what is the strategy of punishing espionage in the countries of Saudi Arabia and Bahrain in the face of the accused of espionage, especially (sources, informants) of the intelligence services of the mentioned countries? And what will be Iran's national security strategy towards Saudi Arabia and Bahrain? The present article, using an analytical method, a library with a comparative approach, examined the existing laws and found that the legislator in all three countries did not define the crime of espionage but pointed to its examples, no crime was committed in Saudi Arabia It is issued according to Islamic Sharia law, and it is possible for a judge to interfere in the sentencing process, but in Bahrain, the crime of security has been criminalized, and the main punishment in Bahrain is the death penalty.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_146849_5f305d0267d2c8d6f80531807b837d43.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 Construction of artificial islands in the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea from the perspective of international law of the sea and regional conventions Construction of artificial islands in the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea from the perspective of international law of the sea and regional conventions 281 296 151092 10.22034/irr.2022.345366.2195 FA Ashraf Khodadadi PhD Student, Department of International Law, Ghaemshahr Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ghaemshahr, Iran. Iraj Rezaee Neghad Assistant Professor, Department of International Law, Chalous Branch, Islamic Azad University, Chalous, Iran. Karren Rohani Assistant Professor of Law, Ghaemshahr Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ghaemshahr, Iran. Journal Article 2022 06 02 The construction of artificial islands by the littoral states of the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea is in accordance with the 1982 Convention and is legitimate, but the proposed convention pays special attention to the need to respect the rights of neighbors and protect the marine environment in the construction of artificial islands. The founding governments of these islands can not consider artificial islands, baselines and sea areas, and they are only allowed to create safe areas with a radius of 500 meters for them. Environmental damage by transferring the effects of these islands outside the territory of a country can cause damage to the environment of neighboring states. Given the integrity of the environment, governments are obliged to take measures to protect the environment within their borders so that other countries are not harmed by their neighbors. The research method is descriptive and analytical written in international documents, its contents are based on library studies and collected by library studies and review of international documents. Therefore, although the construction of artificial islands is legal in terms of international and regional rules and regulations on the seas, as well as the International Court of Maritime Law, in the construction of these islands, environmental planning and mutual interests of maritime neighbors must be considered by the builders of these structures. The construction of artificial islands by the littoral states of the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea is in accordance with the 1982 Convention and is legitimate, but the proposed convention pays special attention to the need to respect the rights of neighbors and protect the marine environment in the construction of artificial islands. The founding governments of these islands can not consider artificial islands, baselines and sea areas, and they are only allowed to create safe areas with a radius of 500 meters for them. Environmental damage by transferring the effects of these islands outside the territory of a country can cause damage to the environment of neighboring states. Given the integrity of the environment, governments are obliged to take measures to protect the environment within their borders so that other countries are not harmed by their neighbors. The research method is descriptive and analytical written in international documents, its contents are based on library studies and collected by library studies and review of international documents. Therefore, although the construction of artificial islands is legal in terms of international and regional rules and regulations on the seas, as well as the International Court of Maritime Law, in the construction of these islands, environmental planning and mutual interests of maritime neighbors must be considered by the builders of these structures.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_151092_4486b7340cebb6d53bd4fe59c33618e9.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 Investigating solutions to face globalization in the fundamental transformation of education in the Islamic Republic of Iran Investigating solutions to face globalization in the fundamental transformation of education in the Islamic Republic of Iran 297 310 163721 10.22034/irr.2022.368035.2288 FA Ebrahim Sheikhbahaei Ph.D student of philosophy of education, Isfahan Branch (Khorasgan), Islamic Azad University, Isfahan, Iran. Jahanbakhsh Rahmani Assistant Professor, Department of Educational Sciences, Isfahan Branch (Khorasgan), Islamic Azad University, Isfahan, Iran. Zohreh Saadatmand Associate Professor, Department of Educational Sciences, Isfahan Branch (Khorasgan), Islamic Azad University, Isfahan, Iran. Journal Article 2022 11 01 This research was conducted with the aim of investigating the solutions to face globalization in the document of fundamental transformation using a qualitative-exploratory method. The research sample was globalization theories and challenges of education. Data analysis was done by (open, central and selective coding). The results showed that according to the components of globalization (emergence of knowledge-based economy, technology exchange, social participation, cultural assimilation, changeability of infrastructures), challenges (structural problem, problem of developing goals and plans, implementation problem) to be Therefore, the result shows that due to the passage of a lot of time since globalization, education has not been able to keep pace with globalization properly and benefit from the benefits of globalization in the direction of advancing educational goals. Therefore, the result shows that due to the passage of a lot of time since globalization, education has not been able to keep pace with globalization properly and benefit from the benefits of globalization in the direction of advancing educational goals. This research was conducted with the aim of investigating the solutions to face globalization in the document of fundamental transformation using a qualitative-exploratory method. The research sample was globalization theories and challenges of education. Data analysis was done by (open, central and selective coding). The results showed that according to the components of globalization (emergence of knowledge-based economy, technology exchange, social participation, cultural assimilation, changeability of infrastructures), challenges (structural problem, problem of developing goals and plans, implementation problem) to be Therefore, the result shows that due to the passage of a lot of time since globalization, education has not been able to keep pace with globalization properly and benefit from the benefits of globalization in the direction of advancing educational goals. Therefore, the result shows that due to the passage of a lot of time since globalization, education has not been able to keep pace with globalization properly and benefit from the benefits of globalization in the direction of advancing educational goals.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_163721_b3ea14c41276c10c0ab3d88fbb0f1165.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 11 3 2021 10 23 The role of the legal rules of Iran's free zones in international trade The role of the legal rules of Iran's free zones in international trade 311 336 192202 10.22034/irr.2021.192202 FA Ali Shahinpor PhD student, Department of Public Law, Yazd Branch, Islamic Azad University, Yazd, Iran. Iraj Hoseini Sadrabadi Assistant Professor, Department of Public Law, University of Judicial Sciences and Administrative Services, Tehran, Iran. Mohamadhosein Jafari Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Yazd Branch, Islamic Azad University, Yazd, Iran. Journal Article 2024 03 09 International trade or the openness of the economy makes it possible to influence the productivity of production factors and consequently the economic growth rate through access to foreign markets. Considering that the free commercial and special economic zones in the world are mainly formed with the aim of developing exports and attracting foreign capital; In Iran, one of the main and most important goals in creating free zones has been to take advantage of the benefits of international trade. On this basis, the effort of the legislator is to facilitate the process of international trade in free zones. In this article, which was carried out with the aim of explaining and explaining the role of Iran's free zones in international trade and using descriptive-analytical methods and using library sources and texts, these results were achieved, despite some structural and legislative problems and weaknesses. In the necessary support of foreign investment in free zones and some other effective factors such as international sanctions etc., however, appropriate protection and guarantee regulations in this regard are in line with the current status of free zones, of course, there is a need to amend some of these The laws are evident because achieving the goal of regional development and development through the expansion of exports and the growth of foreign investment requires targeted customs and tax exemptions for absolute goods and services, it must be allocated to the field of production and industry so that regulations in these areas are correct. and be efficient. The research method in this article is descriptive and explanatory. International trade or the openness of the economy makes it possible to influence the productivity of production factors and consequently the economic growth rate through access to foreign markets. Considering that the free commercial and special economic zones in the world are mainly formed with the aim of developing exports and attracting foreign capital; In Iran, one of the main and most important goals in creating free zones has been to take advantage of the benefits of international trade. On this basis, the effort of the legislator is to facilitate the process of international trade in free zones. In this article, which was carried out with the aim of explaining and explaining the role of Iran's free zones in international trade and using descriptive-analytical methods and using library sources and texts, these results were achieved, despite some structural and legislative problems and weaknesses. In the necessary support of foreign investment in free zones and some other effective factors such as international sanctions etc., however, appropriate protection and guarantee regulations in this regard are in line with the current status of free zones, of course, there is a need to amend some of these The laws are evident because achieving the goal of regional development and development through the expansion of exports and the growth of foreign investment requires targeted customs and tax exemptions for absolute goods and services, it must be allocated to the field of production and industry so that regulations in these areas are correct. and be efficient. The research method in this article is descriptive and explanatory.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_192202_01bcd873346f4bcde5b8d331eeb0ba89.pdf