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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Conceptual analysis of instrumental multiculturalism; Case study of Russia</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Conceptual analysis of instrumental multiculturalism; Case study of Russia</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>7</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>36</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">150214</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2022.323599.2121</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Somayeh</FirstName>
					<LastName>Pasandideh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Amir Mohammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Haji-Yousefi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-8795-5018</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Seyed Mohammad Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Hosseinizadeh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-7646-2805</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>HamidReza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Azizi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Guest researcher at the Berlin Foundation for Science and Politics, Germany.</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>01</Month>
					<Day>07</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Review of management practices in pluralistic societies especially among predominantly immigrant liberal democracies, has led to the emergence of a new policy called multiculturalism. Although the use of multiculturalism in these systems has provided a good platform for management in multiethnic and multicultural societies, but criticisms such as the decline of national cohesion and common identity and the emergence of extremist nationalist groups have been included in it. The main purpose of this paper is to provide a conceptual framework in which the application of the theory of multiculturalism in countries with a political structure of hybrid authoritarianism is illustrated. In this article, by examining the case of Russia and using the concept of hybrid authoritarianism, a combined approach called &quot;instrumental multiculturalism&quot; is presented. According to the findings of this study, it is possible to apply this concept in authoritarian countries or countries with hybrid authoritarian regimes such as Russia. As a result, multiculturalism is more instrumental and both democratic and authoritarian elements are observed. In this research, a deductive method is used and an attempt is made to explain the concept of multiculturalism and hybrid authoritarianism and apply them to Russia, then using the mentioned concepts and a case study to complete these concepts and a new analytical model. It is entitled &quot;Instrumental Multiculturalism in Hybrid Authoritarian Regimes.&quot;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Review of management practices in pluralistic societies especially among predominantly immigrant liberal democracies, has led to the emergence of a new policy called multiculturalism. Although the use of multiculturalism in these systems has provided a good platform for management in multiethnic and multicultural societies, but criticisms such as the decline of national cohesion and common identity and the emergence of extremist nationalist groups have been included in it. The main purpose of this paper is to provide a conceptual framework in which the application of the theory of multiculturalism in countries with a political structure of hybrid authoritarianism is illustrated. In this article, by examining the case of Russia and using the concept of hybrid authoritarianism, a combined approach called &quot;instrumental multiculturalism&quot; is presented. According to the findings of this study, it is possible to apply this concept in authoritarian countries or countries with hybrid authoritarian regimes such as Russia. As a result, multiculturalism is more instrumental and both democratic and authoritarian elements are observed. In this research, a deductive method is used and an attempt is made to explain the concept of multiculturalism and hybrid authoritarianism and apply them to Russia, then using the mentioned concepts and a case study to complete these concepts and a new analytical model. It is entitled &quot;Instrumental Multiculturalism in Hybrid Authoritarian Regimes.&quot;</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Multiculturalism</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">hybrid authoritarianism</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">instrumental multiculturalism</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Russia</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Hybridization</Param>
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</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>US Strategies  in the Middle East  in situation Complexity</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>US Strategies  in the Middle East  in situation Complexity</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>37</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>68</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">150215</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2022.297222.2016</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammadreza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Faraji</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>28</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>With the dominance of complexity on the international system, one of the fundamental issues related to the strategies of actors in complex situations. This study with assuming complexity situation in the international system, tries to investigate the principles and basis of hegemony strategy in complex regions and the Middle East explained as a case study. The result of the present study explained, that the complexity situation, classical foreign policy strategies based on centrality of control has made incapable of responding to complex threats and new strategies based on condition management imposed to actors of international system and the hegemon is trying to take advantage of these strategies in the regions. Thus, with the complexity of existing system and phenomena in the Middle East, the hegemonic control management approach with the control systems based on the conditions of phenomena and strategic multiplicity and tactical diversity of phenomena management has replaced the hegemonic control centrality and top-down control approach, and hegemon uses of these strategies in its complex deterrence system in the Middle East.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">With the dominance of complexity on the international system, one of the fundamental issues related to the strategies of actors in complex situations. This study with assuming complexity situation in the international system, tries to investigate the principles and basis of hegemony strategy in complex regions and the Middle East explained as a case study. The result of the present study explained, that the complexity situation, classical foreign policy strategies based on centrality of control has made incapable of responding to complex threats and new strategies based on condition management imposed to actors of international system and the hegemon is trying to take advantage of these strategies in the regions. Thus, with the complexity of existing system and phenomena in the Middle East, the hegemonic control management approach with the control systems based on the conditions of phenomena and strategic multiplicity and tactical diversity of phenomena management has replaced the hegemonic control centrality and top-down control approach, and hegemon uses of these strategies in its complex deterrence system in the Middle East.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">complexity</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">strategy</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">System</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Control</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Management</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_150215_c26cbc004628b20b0367a55bd1a22b87.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The military capabilities of the Islamic Republic of Iran to achieve political goals</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The military capabilities of the Islamic Republic of Iran to achieve political goals</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>69</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>96</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">150371</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2022.260251.1872</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Rauf</FirstName>
					<LastName>Rahimi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Asistant professor ,University of Bojnord</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-8447-4531</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2020</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Far from the past, Iran has always sought regional hegemony and global acting, and these political goals have been pursued during the Islamic Republic of Iran. The purpose of this paper is by qualitative method and using library and Internet resources, answer this question that whether the military capabilities of the Islamic Republic of Iran have correspond with ideological expectations and military doctrines based on the mentioned political goals? In answer to the main question, the present article examines this hypothesis that Islamic republic of Iran has done well task of the codifications of military doctrine based on political goals; it has learned lessons and found that due to average global military capacity of Iran and less than its ideological expectations, Iran is currently unable to compete against the US military in direct warfare. The best thing that can be expected to achieve political goals is to impose costs on the US actions and the great will beyond the will of this counter to prevent Washington from achieving its goals in a possible war with Iran. The results of the research indicate that Iran has focused on the weaknesses of its enemies in order to shows the cost-benefit calculations of the enemies, undesirable and costly. According to political-military officials and the Iranian people, killing of the American soldiers have serious domestic political consequences for the US president than military fatality for Iran&#039;s political leaders, because the Iranian people have grown up in the school of self-sacrifice and martyrdom.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Far from the past, Iran has always sought regional hegemony and global acting, and these political goals have been pursued during the Islamic Republic of Iran. The purpose of this paper is by qualitative method and using library and Internet resources, answer this question that whether the military capabilities of the Islamic Republic of Iran have correspond with ideological expectations and military doctrines based on the mentioned political goals? In answer to the main question, the present article examines this hypothesis that Islamic republic of Iran has done well task of the codifications of military doctrine based on political goals; it has learned lessons and found that due to average global military capacity of Iran and less than its ideological expectations, Iran is currently unable to compete against the US military in direct warfare. The best thing that can be expected to achieve political goals is to impose costs on the US actions and the great will beyond the will of this counter to prevent Washington from achieving its goals in a possible war with Iran. The results of the research indicate that Iran has focused on the weaknesses of its enemies in order to shows the cost-benefit calculations of the enemies, undesirable and costly. According to political-military officials and the Iranian people, killing of the American soldiers have serious domestic political consequences for the US president than military fatality for Iran&#039;s political leaders, because the Iranian people have grown up in the school of self-sacrifice and martyrdom.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Mlitary capabilities</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Comprehensive defense</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">asymmetric warfare</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Military Forces</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Political goals</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_150371_e16616d016f4936a4e85b8a09847f337.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Turkey&#039;s Economic Diplomacy in Africa: Goals, Strategies and Outcomes</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Turkey&#039;s Economic Diplomacy in Africa: Goals, Strategies and Outcomes</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>97</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>136</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">152550</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2022.276995.1937</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ahmad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Jansiz</LastName>
<Affiliation>University of  Guilan</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-1848-2023</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Emad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Aslani</LastName>
<Affiliation>University of Guilan</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>13</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Abstract&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Turkey&#039;s developments from 2001 to 2018 have led officials and policymakers who found themselves in turbulent condition of economic crises, recession and accumulation of inflation in Turkey to see themselves trying to rethink principles. Accordingly, the main foundations of Turkish diplomacy changed from a Westernist strategy to a fluid diplomacy strategy based on the economy, and Africa became an integral part of the country&#039;s economic diplomacy policy. Turkey&#039;s economic diplomacy in Africa can now be regarded as a tool or a goal in the country&#039;s foreign policy. The main question of this article is &quot;what are the goals, strategies and results of prioritizing economic diplomacy in Turkey&#039;s foreign policy in Africa?&quot; In response to this question, the main hypothesis of this article is that Turkey needs a pragmatic foreign policy in the Ottoman-African civilization to increase its strategic depth. Therefore, a pragmatic view of foreign policy makes Africa the main base of its pragmatism policy. This article seeks to assess Turkey&#039;s economic performance in Africa in the post-Akp era led by Erdogan. The research method of this paper is descriptive-analytical considering its nature.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Abstract&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Turkey&#039;s developments from 2001 to 2018 have led officials and policymakers who found themselves in turbulent condition of economic crises, recession and accumulation of inflation in Turkey to see themselves trying to rethink principles. Accordingly, the main foundations of Turkish diplomacy changed from a Westernist strategy to a fluid diplomacy strategy based on the economy, and Africa became an integral part of the country&#039;s economic diplomacy policy. Turkey&#039;s economic diplomacy in Africa can now be regarded as a tool or a goal in the country&#039;s foreign policy. The main question of this article is &quot;what are the goals, strategies and results of prioritizing economic diplomacy in Turkey&#039;s foreign policy in Africa?&quot; In response to this question, the main hypothesis of this article is that Turkey needs a pragmatic foreign policy in the Ottoman-African civilization to increase its strategic depth. Therefore, a pragmatic view of foreign policy makes Africa the main base of its pragmatism policy. This article seeks to assess Turkey&#039;s economic performance in Africa in the post-Akp era led by Erdogan. The research method of this paper is descriptive-analytical considering its nature.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Keywords: "Foreign Policy"</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"Economic Diplomacy"</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"Turkey"</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"Africa"</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"AKP"</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_152550_91731abacfba8b8ed6ec3520f7c0fa49.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>mplications of the Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s nuclear issue on the regional equations of West Asia (2000-2020)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>mplications of the Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s nuclear issue on the regional equations of West Asia (2000-2020)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>137</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>165</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">145581</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2022.145581</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ehsan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Khademi Bahabadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD student of International Relations, Department of Political Science, Rafsanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Rafsanjan, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Bagheri Zadeh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Faculty member of Political Science Department, Rafsanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Rafsanjan, Iran.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0000-6800-3417</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>27</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the nuclear case in West Asia is a deterrent and defense strategy that increases the strength of the country&#039;s national power, preserves Iran&#039;s territorial integrity and national security, and reduces the likelihood of any military aggression against Iran. This article aims to examine the adoption of a deterrent strategy, especially its long-term type for Iran&#039;s nuclear program and its impact on West Asia, plays a very important role in expressing the true face of Iran&#039;s power and authority in West Asia.&lt;br /&gt;In this regard, we seek to answer the question that what are the effects of the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s nuclear case on the regional order of West Asia between 2000 and 2020? Using a descriptive-analytical method, it is hypothesized that the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in West Asia, in addition to being based on alliances with pro-Iranian Shiite forces and strengthening the axis of resistance, in the Iranian nuclear file between 2000 and 2020. It has created Iranophobia among West Asian countries and distrust among countries in the region.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the nuclear case in West Asia is a deterrent and defense strategy that increases the strength of the country&#039;s national power, preserves Iran&#039;s territorial integrity and national security, and reduces the likelihood of any military aggression against Iran. This article aims to examine the adoption of a deterrent strategy, especially its long-term type for Iran&#039;s nuclear program and its impact on West Asia, plays a very important role in expressing the true face of Iran&#039;s power and authority in West Asia.&lt;br /&gt;In this regard, we seek to answer the question that what are the effects of the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s nuclear case on the regional order of West Asia between 2000 and 2020? Using a descriptive-analytical method, it is hypothesized that the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in West Asia, in addition to being based on alliances with pro-Iranian Shiite forces and strengthening the axis of resistance, in the Iranian nuclear file between 2000 and 2020. It has created Iranophobia among West Asian countries and distrust among countries in the region.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Deterrence</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Iran's nuclear program</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">West Asia</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">foreign policy and Iranophobia</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_145581_550db1d01c471ebc6b15c5a7fbcd0afb.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Explanation of the requirements and strategies of diplomacy and energy security of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Seventh Development Plan</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Explanation of the requirements and strategies of diplomacy and energy security of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Seventh Development Plan</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>167</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>198</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">150665</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2022.337739.2175</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Seyyed Abdollah</FirstName>
					<LastName>Razavi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Energy Economics and Management Department, Petroleum Faculty of Tehran , Petroleum University of Technology, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Shohreh</FirstName>
					<LastName>Pirani</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Shahed University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-8287-2600</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>15</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Despite numerous concerns from analysts and warnings about the need to reduce its reliance on the sale of fossil fuels, the Islamic Republic of Iran is relying on energy exports. It is a development that immediately has many cultural and social consequences. Such a statement suggests that the need for uninterrupted exports has become a security issue called energy export security. The present study seeks to answer the question that, given the current political and economic conditions, in order to increase the security of the country&#039;s international energy markets and increase political-economic achievements, what are the main constraints, requirements and strategies in the field of energy diplomacy? Indicators such as hybrid approach, long-term view of regional energy plans, formation of Deputy Minister of Energy Diplomacy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, avoidance of duplication and application of inter-organizational cooperation and synergy approach in the domestic arena, active technology diplomacy approach, Regional diversification, the extension of the bargaining model, and domestic empowerment are in the microcosm, and there are four major strategies, including an executive approach to overcoming the Central Asian impasse, requiring a regional view, a strategic view of the western borders, and resistance diplomacy. It is suggested that an energy strategy be adopted in the context of sanctions in order to apply energy security diplomacy. The research method is qualitative and also tries to investigate the main issue of the document analysis approach.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Despite numerous concerns from analysts and warnings about the need to reduce its reliance on the sale of fossil fuels, the Islamic Republic of Iran is relying on energy exports. It is a development that immediately has many cultural and social consequences. Such a statement suggests that the need for uninterrupted exports has become a security issue called energy export security. The present study seeks to answer the question that, given the current political and economic conditions, in order to increase the security of the country&#039;s international energy markets and increase political-economic achievements, what are the main constraints, requirements and strategies in the field of energy diplomacy? Indicators such as hybrid approach, long-term view of regional energy plans, formation of Deputy Minister of Energy Diplomacy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, avoidance of duplication and application of inter-organizational cooperation and synergy approach in the domestic arena, active technology diplomacy approach, Regional diversification, the extension of the bargaining model, and domestic empowerment are in the microcosm, and there are four major strategies, including an executive approach to overcoming the Central Asian impasse, requiring a regional view, a strategic view of the western borders, and resistance diplomacy. It is suggested that an energy strategy be adopted in the context of sanctions in order to apply energy security diplomacy. The research method is qualitative and also tries to investigate the main issue of the document analysis approach.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Seventh Development Plan</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">energy diplomacy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Geopolitics</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Regional Diversity</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_150665_e1538972695b28019907b2b61770b98c.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Foreign policy of the eleventh and twelfth governments in accordance with the vision document of the Islamic Republic of Iran 1404</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Foreign policy of the eleventh and twelfth governments in accordance with the vision document of the Islamic Republic of Iran 1404</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>199</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>230</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">151093</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2021.303150.2040</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Fatemeh</FirstName>
					<LastName>Rashidi</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student, Department of Political Science, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Malek</FirstName>
					<LastName>Zolghadr</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Bahman</FirstName>
					<LastName>Keshvarzghasemabadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Abbas</FirstName>
					<LastName>Moradi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0001-4024-3053</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>04</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The most important goals of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran are stated in the 20-year vision document (Horizon 1404) of the country so that the foreign policy apparatus is obliged to act in accordance with these goals and policies. Given the proximity of the horizon in this policy and the need to evaluate the performance of the last 8 years of Hassan Rouhani&#039;s government, this study was conducted to evaluate the foreign policy of the eleventh and twelfth governments in accordance with the vision document of the Islamic Republic of Iran 1404. By adopting a descriptive-analytical method, this research seeks to present an evaluation model, while explaining the foreign policy goals of the 20-year vision document of Iran, the performance of the country&#039;s foreign policy apparatus during the years 1392-1400 in relation to the nuclear case and the rise of ISIL. Corona pandemic to examine and evaluate relations with the West and the East and the countries of the region, etc. The results and findings of the study indicate that in the discussion of compliance of the performance of the eleventh and twelfth governments with the 20-year vision document 1404, it can not be conclusively claimed compliance or non-compliance. However, cases of compliance compliance can include: &quot;Relations with the East&quot;, &quot;Relations and Confrontation with the United States&quot;, &quot;Measures related to the rise of ISIS and international terrorism&quot; and cases of non-compliance include: &quot;Nuclear issue and BRICS&quot;,</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The most important goals of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran are stated in the 20-year vision document (Horizon 1404) of the country so that the foreign policy apparatus is obliged to act in accordance with these goals and policies. Given the proximity of the horizon in this policy and the need to evaluate the performance of the last 8 years of Hassan Rouhani&#039;s government, this study was conducted to evaluate the foreign policy of the eleventh and twelfth governments in accordance with the vision document of the Islamic Republic of Iran 1404. By adopting a descriptive-analytical method, this research seeks to present an evaluation model, while explaining the foreign policy goals of the 20-year vision document of Iran, the performance of the country&#039;s foreign policy apparatus during the years 1392-1400 in relation to the nuclear case and the rise of ISIL. Corona pandemic to examine and evaluate relations with the West and the East and the countries of the region, etc. The results and findings of the study indicate that in the discussion of compliance of the performance of the eleventh and twelfth governments with the 20-year vision document 1404, it can not be conclusively claimed compliance or non-compliance. However, cases of compliance compliance can include: &quot;Relations with the East&quot;, &quot;Relations and Confrontation with the United States&quot;, &quot;Measures related to the rise of ISIS and international terrorism&quot; and cases of non-compliance include: &quot;Nuclear issue and BRICS&quot;,</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Foreign Policy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Vision Document</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Performance Evaluation and Implementation</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">moderation</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Eleventh and Twelfth Governments</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_151093_6aadc19cb15cf2c38c0b2aa5b43fd362.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>International Responsibility for Climate Change and Food and Water Security</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>International Responsibility for Climate Change and Food and Water Security</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>255</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>277</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">154705</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2022.347200.2204</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Reza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Maleki</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student in Public International Law, Najafabad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Isfahan, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Masoud</FirstName>
					<LastName>Raei</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Department of Public International Law, Najafabad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Isfahan, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>14</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Given the importance of water security and food security and its direct relationship with human rights and human dignity and the impact of climate change on these two issues, the main question is whether the government can be held responsible to the international community for affecting food security and water security through climate change? It seems that governments can use the concept of liability for environmental damage to seek redress for climate change, including the right to adequate food and water. In this paper, with a descriptive and analytical method, after examining the solutions envisaged in international documents to deal with climate change, the challenges of the International Liability Agency due to climate change and solutions to address these challenges are examined. Given the importance of water security and food security and its direct relationship with human rights and human dignity and the impact of climate change on these two issues, the main question is whether the government can be held responsible to the international community for affecting food security and water security through climate change? It seems that governments can use the concept of liability for environmental damage to seek redress for climate change, including the right to adequate food and water. In this paper, with a descriptive and analytical method, after examining the solutions envisaged in international documents to deal with climate change, the challenges of the International Liability Agency due to climate change and solutions to address these challenges are examined.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Given the importance of water security and food security and its direct relationship with human rights and human dignity and the impact of climate change on these two issues, the main question is whether the government can be held responsible to the international community for affecting food security and water security through climate change? It seems that governments can use the concept of liability for environmental damage to seek redress for climate change, including the right to adequate food and water. In this paper, with a descriptive and analytical method, after examining the solutions envisaged in international documents to deal with climate change, the challenges of the International Liability Agency due to climate change and solutions to address these challenges are examined. Given the importance of water security and food security and its direct relationship with human rights and human dignity and the impact of climate change on these two issues, the main question is whether the government can be held responsible to the international community for affecting food security and water security through climate change? It seems that governments can use the concept of liability for environmental damage to seek redress for climate change, including the right to adequate food and water. In this paper, with a descriptive and analytical method, after examining the solutions envisaged in international documents to deal with climate change, the challenges of the International Liability Agency due to climate change and solutions to address these challenges are examined.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">climate change</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Food Security</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Water security</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">international responsibility</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Human rights</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_154705_d865dc86d80b404ad78a63f729d2420d.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The evolution of the development of cities in the provincial governance of Kerman state from the era of the Seljuk Empire to the beginning of Al Muzaffar period</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The evolution of the development of cities in the provincial governance of Kerman state from the era of the Seljuk Empire to the beginning of Al Muzaffar period</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>279</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>297</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">155413</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2022.349145.2212</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Najme</FirstName>
					<LastName>Malkpour</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student, Department of Iranian History after Islam, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Sina</FirstName>
					<LastName>Foroozesh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Department of History, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Bahramzade</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Iranian Studies Foundation, Tehran, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>29</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Territorial divisions (system of states and provinces) have long been one of the long-standing concerns of the rulers of the vast land of Iran and suggest that one of the rich political and administrative legacies of the Iranians has been established in this regard. Meanwhile, the land of Kerman, due to the change of territorial boundaries, governments and political organizations that have ruled it throughout history has been considered one of the most important regions of Iran, and has always been considered as one of the important centers of government. It was managed. The subject of this research is the influential components on the development of Kerman cities from the Seljuk era to the beginning of the Al-Muzaffar period. The question of this article is which of the components (such as ethnicity, power, climate and geography) have the greatest impact on the administrative, political system and geographical divisions of this land? This research is based on historical research method and based on geographical and historical sources. The achievements of this research are: the study of various social, geographical, cultural, economic and political factors affecting the growth of these areas from the Seljuk era to the beginning of the Al-Muzaffar period and understanding the most important components in the development of cities and provinces of this land.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Territorial divisions (system of states and provinces) have long been one of the long-standing concerns of the rulers of the vast land of Iran and suggest that one of the rich political and administrative legacies of the Iranians has been established in this regard. Meanwhile, the land of Kerman, due to the change of territorial boundaries, governments and political organizations that have ruled it throughout history has been considered one of the most important regions of Iran, and has always been considered as one of the important centers of government. It was managed. The subject of this research is the influential components on the development of Kerman cities from the Seljuk era to the beginning of the Al-Muzaffar period. The question of this article is which of the components (such as ethnicity, power, climate and geography) have the greatest impact on the administrative, political system and geographical divisions of this land? This research is based on historical research method and based on geographical and historical sources. The achievements of this research are: the study of various social, geographical, cultural, economic and political factors affecting the growth of these areas from the Seljuk era to the beginning of the Al-Muzaffar period and understanding the most important components in the development of cities and provinces of this land.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">States</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Provinces</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">City</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Kerman</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Seljuk</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_155413_30bd2fda8a36c886b849aed8a44c97c7.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The function of the institution of document offices from a governance point of view and its impact on regional development planning and corruption reduction in Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The function of the institution of document offices from a governance point of view and its impact on regional development planning and corruption reduction in Iran</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>299</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>323</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">158003</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2022.343476.2186</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ardeshir</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mehralian</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student in Public Law, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Nader</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mirzadeh Kohshahi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Iraj</FirstName>
					<LastName>Hosseini Sadrabadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor and of Judicial Sciences University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Accurate and correct implementation of laws, regulations, directives and other regulations related to the registration of official documents at the local and regional level regarding all contracts and agreements and other financial, non-financial relations of individuals with each other, is one of the duties of notaries. Offices are obliged to comply with all legal provisions in the implementation of relevant laws, especially the implementation of the provisions of Articles 30 and 49 of the Law on Notaries, 46 and 47 of the Law on Registration of Deeds and Property. The same regulations prohibit the preparation of documents without legal authorization at the local, regional and international levels.&lt;br /&gt;Emphasis of the Supreme Leader on the Promotion of Official Documents According to the policies of the Sixth Development Plan, official documents cause order in society and the culture of promoting official documents should be spread in the society and all government approvals should be directed towards the development of notaries for development. Sustainable economic, social, legal and judicial functions at the local and regional levels can play a significant role. The main concern of the notary public institution is the promotion of services and the satisfaction of the people, and I believe that one of the basic tasks is to reform and dynamize some of the better laws, strategies, procedures and regulations to make the services and duties of notaries public at the local and regional levels. is.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Accurate and correct implementation of laws, regulations, directives and other regulations related to the registration of official documents at the local and regional level regarding all contracts and agreements and other financial, non-financial relations of individuals with each other, is one of the duties of notaries. Offices are obliged to comply with all legal provisions in the implementation of relevant laws, especially the implementation of the provisions of Articles 30 and 49 of the Law on Notaries, 46 and 47 of the Law on Registration of Deeds and Property. The same regulations prohibit the preparation of documents without legal authorization at the local, regional and international levels.&lt;br /&gt;Emphasis of the Supreme Leader on the Promotion of Official Documents According to the policies of the Sixth Development Plan, official documents cause order in society and the culture of promoting official documents should be spread in the society and all government approvals should be directed towards the development of notaries for development. Sustainable economic, social, legal and judicial functions at the local and regional levels can play a significant role. The main concern of the notary public institution is the promotion of services and the satisfaction of the people, and I believe that one of the basic tasks is to reform and dynamize some of the better laws, strategies, procedures and regulations to make the services and duties of notaries public at the local and regional levels. is.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Development Planning</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">social economic functions of ownership institution</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Good Governance</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_158003_536cb74725638b639b6df15088ea9156.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Covid-19 and the components of international political economy</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Covid-19 and the components of international political economy</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>325</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>353</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">171344</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2023.395647.2372</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Sefat Allah</FirstName>
					<LastName>Shahverdi</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD student of International Relations, Department of Political Science, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Reza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Shirzadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Member of the Faculty of Political Science, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hasan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Shamsini Ghyasvand</LastName>
<Affiliation>Member of the Faculty of Political Science Department, Takestan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Takestan, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The outbreak of Corona is the beginning of a crisis in the second decade of the 21st century, which has transformed many of the contents and manifestations of human social life in the domestic and international arenas. Until now, the world has faced various crises (warming of the air, melting of the polar ice, flooding, flooding of agricultural lands, lack of food, immigration, unemployment, refugees, weapons - mass killings, terrorism, natural disasters, spread of poverty) has been faced. But the spread of Covid-19 is like the accumulation and manifestation of past, present and future crises of human society. With the occurrence of an epidemic, national health is promoted from a low-level policy to a high-level policy. Public health and political stability are related and influence each other. In the international arena, this influence has been on the components of the international political economy, and it has affected many or some of them. Surveys show that components such as trade; international finance; environment; security; national, regional and international governance; Globalization; Development; and Technology, each of them has received influences and undergone transformations. Although the accurate evaluation of the effects and consequences of the Corona crisis on the international political economy requires more time, the present research tries to analyze its consequences in the field of international political economy by using the descriptive-explanatory method.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The outbreak of Corona is the beginning of a crisis in the second decade of the 21st century, which has transformed many of the contents and manifestations of human social life in the domestic and international arenas. Until now, the world has faced various crises (warming of the air, melting of the polar ice, flooding, flooding of agricultural lands, lack of food, immigration, unemployment, refugees, weapons - mass killings, terrorism, natural disasters, spread of poverty) has been faced. But the spread of Covid-19 is like the accumulation and manifestation of past, present and future crises of human society. With the occurrence of an epidemic, national health is promoted from a low-level policy to a high-level policy. Public health and political stability are related and influence each other. In the international arena, this influence has been on the components of the international political economy, and it has affected many or some of them. Surveys show that components such as trade; international finance; environment; security; national, regional and international governance; Globalization; Development; and Technology, each of them has received influences and undergone transformations. Although the accurate evaluation of the effects and consequences of the Corona crisis on the international political economy requires more time, the present research tries to analyze its consequences in the field of international political economy by using the descriptive-explanatory method.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">COVID-19</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">International political economy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">globalization</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Security</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Environment</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_171344_46a05d69f0d748126aaa1ec5cfb86972.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Opportunities and challenges of the presence of Iranian scientific associations in international forums</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Opportunities and challenges of the presence of Iranian scientific associations in international forums</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>355</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>373</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">182672</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2023.400398.2392</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Amir</FirstName>
					<LastName>Kia</LastName>
<Affiliation>PH. D Student in public law at Aras International campus, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Bijan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Abbasi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Invited Proffessor at Aras International campus, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali Akbar</FirstName>
					<LastName>Gorji Azandaryani</LastName>
<Affiliation>Invited Proffessor at Aras International campus, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Morteza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Nejabatkhah</LastName>
<Affiliation>Invited Proffessor at Aras International campus, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The necessity of the formation and obstacles to the development of scientific associations at transnational levels is a subject that can act as a research tool to strengthen the content of public law and scientific associations at domestic and even international levels, and it is explained and described. Considering the vital role of scientific associations in the development of knowledge in today&#039;s world, the attention of countries and global and regional organizations has been directed to these associations and the necessary facilities have been allocated for its formation, evolution and development. This issue is especially in the field of public law, which has not always had a practical view and has been neglected even by people of science and knowledge; It is more prominent than other branches and branches of law. The main question of this article is what challenges do scientific associations face in line with their development at transnational levels? In response to the mentioned question, the hypothesis was raised that the obstacles to the development of scientific associations at the global level should be related to the structure and nature of the legal system of the international system. In terms of form, due to the lack of necessary facilities for the development of scientific associations, we witness the weak structure of these associations in the university and outside of it. From a substantive point of view</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The necessity of the formation and obstacles to the development of scientific associations at transnational levels is a subject that can act as a research tool to strengthen the content of public law and scientific associations at domestic and even international levels, and it is explained and described. Considering the vital role of scientific associations in the development of knowledge in today&#039;s world, the attention of countries and global and regional organizations has been directed to these associations and the necessary facilities have been allocated for its formation, evolution and development. This issue is especially in the field of public law, which has not always had a practical view and has been neglected even by people of science and knowledge; It is more prominent than other branches and branches of law. The main question of this article is what challenges do scientific associations face in line with their development at transnational levels? In response to the mentioned question, the hypothesis was raised that the obstacles to the development of scientific associations at the global level should be related to the structure and nature of the legal system of the international system. In terms of form, due to the lack of necessary facilities for the development of scientific associations, we witness the weak structure of these associations in the university and outside of it. From a substantive point of view</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Science</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Scientific Community</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Development</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Islamic Iranian Model of Progress</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_182672_9d7ad6f74d4613a7c111a8aacec59b52.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>A new reading of the Qur&#039;anic verses in the commentary of Fakhr Razi and Sheikh Mufid on the subject of taqiyya with an emphasis on political taqiyya</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>A new reading of the Qur&#039;anic verses in the commentary of Fakhr Razi and Sheikh Mufid on the subject of taqiyya with an emphasis on political taqiyya</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>375</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>400</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">190177</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2023.345249.2193</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Esmat</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ramazani Meshkani</LastName>
<Affiliation>Phd student in Fiqh and Fundamentals of Islamic Law, Isfahan Branch (Khorasgan), Islamic Azad University, Isfahan, (Khorasgan), Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ahmad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Bagheri</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor of Fiqh and Fundamentals of Islamic Law Department, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Siamak</FirstName>
					<LastName>Baharloei</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Isfahan Branch (Khorasgan), Islamic Azad University, Isfahan, (Khorasgan), Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>01</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Taqiyyah as one of the most tense issues between Shia and Sunni, which has always been raised as a doubt and question. In many cases, necessity requires that a person hide his beliefs and faith and change his actions. This behavior, which is considered a defensive tactic and not a reaction indicating weakness and fear, is called taqiyyah, in fact, before it indicates weakness and fear, it is a form of self-defense or self-belief and faith. The legitimacy of taqiyyah in the opinion of Imamiyyah jurists and theologians is based on verses and hadiths and is certain in such a way that in certain circumstances, it is considered a part of faith. Adherence to taqiyyah and its narration undoubtedly follows types, works and accessories that Ali al-Qaeda should also be committed to. One of the types of taqiyya and perhaps the most practical one is political taqiyya. Political taqiyyah has been one of the practical policies of Imams - peace be upon them - in the field of preserving Shiism and Islam. Taqiyyah in dealing with the government and the ruling caliph is called political taqiyya, and it is interpreted as political taqiyya traditions on the part of the Ahl al-Bayt (peace be upon them). The main hypothesis in this research is that taqiyya in general and political taqiyya in particular have always been a tool of Muslims in preserving Islam and Shiism. The research method in this research is the descriptive-analytical method, after collecting and describing the materials</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Taqiyyah as one of the most tense issues between Shia and Sunni, which has always been raised as a doubt and question. In many cases, necessity requires that a person hide his beliefs and faith and change his actions. This behavior, which is considered a defensive tactic and not a reaction indicating weakness and fear, is called taqiyyah, in fact, before it indicates weakness and fear, it is a form of self-defense or self-belief and faith. The legitimacy of taqiyyah in the opinion of Imamiyyah jurists and theologians is based on verses and hadiths and is certain in such a way that in certain circumstances, it is considered a part of faith. Adherence to taqiyyah and its narration undoubtedly follows types, works and accessories that Ali al-Qaeda should also be committed to. One of the types of taqiyya and perhaps the most practical one is political taqiyya. Political taqiyyah has been one of the practical policies of Imams - peace be upon them - in the field of preserving Shiism and Islam. Taqiyyah in dealing with the government and the ruling caliph is called political taqiyya, and it is interpreted as political taqiyya traditions on the part of the Ahl al-Bayt (peace be upon them). The main hypothesis in this research is that taqiyya in general and political taqiyya in particular have always been a tool of Muslims in preserving Islam and Shiism. The research method in this research is the descriptive-analytical method, after collecting and describing the materials</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">taqiyyah</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Quran</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">expediency</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Fakhr Razi</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Sheikh Mofid</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_190177_8b57248a512a2376665efe48c1434891.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>12</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Violation of the right to life in the use of biological weapons, emphasizing the international responsibility of the government.</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Violation of the right to life in the use of biological weapons, emphasizing the international responsibility of the government.</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>401</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>432</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">200200</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/irr.2023.366247.2285</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohsen</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghavanloo</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD student of Law Department, Damghan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Damghan, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohamad Hasan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Solimani</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Damghan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Damghan, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Amiri Pourghasab</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Damghan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Damghan, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>18</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The development of the militarization process and the arms competition of the emerging powers in the field of international relations led to the necessity of benefiting from knowledge and technology in completing the chain of military weapons, but in the meantime, the attitude of developmentism and domination led to the production and expansion of biological weapons, which is far from They have a higher destructive power. Based on this, the protection of human dignity and his right to life, both in peacetime and in wartime, has necessitated the use of effective legal criteria in controlling the use of biological weapons. Therefore, in this research, which was compiled by the method of library studies and comparative reasoning, it was found that, first of all, the legal deficiencies in the text of the treaties led to the development of the biological arms race in the 20th century and the threat to the right to life as the most basic human right. Is. It was also found that benefiting from principles such as the principle of proportionality, necessity and also benefiting from the criterion of military advantage can be effective legal components, the international responsibility of governments in violation of the rules and norms related to the law of international armed conflicts and the occurrence of an attack. prove disproportionate by means of biological weapons.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The development of the militarization process and the arms competition of the emerging powers in the field of international relations led to the necessity of benefiting from knowledge and technology in completing the chain of military weapons, but in the meantime, the attitude of developmentism and domination led to the production and expansion of biological weapons, which is far from They have a higher destructive power. Based on this, the protection of human dignity and his right to life, both in peacetime and in wartime, has necessitated the use of effective legal criteria in controlling the use of biological weapons. Therefore, in this research, which was compiled by the method of library studies and comparative reasoning, it was found that, first of all, the legal deficiencies in the text of the treaties led to the development of the biological arms race in the 20th century and the threat to the right to life as the most basic human right. Is. It was also found that benefiting from principles such as the principle of proportionality, necessity and also benefiting from the criterion of military advantage can be effective legal components, the international responsibility of governments in violation of the rules and norms related to the law of international armed conflicts and the occurrence of an attack. prove disproportionate by means of biological weapons.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">international relations</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">biological weapons</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">the right to life</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Human dignity</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">The principle of proportionality</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_200200_c0d29696fc1eea771df60ff95a4772ff.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>
</ArticleSet>
