The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 Applying the historical method in international relations research Applying the historical method in international relations research 7 38 157793 10.22034/irr.2022.319566.2102 FA Mojgan Ghorbani tarbiat modares university 0000-0002-6477-2267 Seyed Masued Mousavi Shafaee tarbiat modares university Mohsen Shariatinia shahid beheshti university Mohsen Eslami tarbiat modares university Journal Article 2021 12 12 There are many research methods, both quantitative and qualitative, in the field of international relations that students use for their research. One of the qualitative methods is the method of historical research or history research. The historical method is used when the researcher seeks to study a phenomenon in the past with the aim of discovering historical facts and describing present events. History is the most important influential element in establishing and developing relations between countries because governments regulate their relations in the context of time based on their perceptions of other countries, but international relations researchers either use this method infrequently or are unfamiliar with the proper way to use it. This article tries to answer these questions: how to use the historical method in international relations research? What are the advantages and achievements of applying the historical method in international relations? What applications does it have for the field of international relations? And what are the reasons for the lack of attention to this method of research in the field of international relations? The purpose of this article is to help produce literature on how to use and apply the historical method in the field of international relations, especially in research related to dissertations There are many research methods, both quantitative and qualitative, in the field of international relations that students use for their research. One of the qualitative methods is the method of historical research or history research. The historical method is used when the researcher seeks to study a phenomenon in the past with the aim of discovering historical facts and describing present events. History is the most important influential element in establishing and developing relations between countries because governments regulate their relations in the context of time based on their perceptions of other countries, but international relations researchers either use this method infrequently or are unfamiliar with the proper way to use it. This article tries to answer these questions: how to use the historical method in international relations research? What are the advantages and achievements of applying the historical method in international relations? What applications does it have for the field of international relations? And what are the reasons for the lack of attention to this method of research in the field of international relations? The purpose of this article is to help produce literature on how to use and apply the historical method in the field of international relations, especially in research related to dissertations

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_157793_365fdd130956aa4adf96e11beb244fe6.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 EU relations with China; from pragmatic cooperation to strategic partnership EU relations with China; from pragmatic cooperation to strategic partnership 39 69 157794 10.22034/irr.2022.343974.2189 FA Ali Sabbaghian Assistant Professor, Department of Regional Studies Faculty of Law and Political Science University of Tehran Tehran Iran 0000-0002-4857-7496 Rajdeep Singh Graduate of European Studies, University of Tehran 0000-0003-1218-134X Journal Article 2022 05 24 China-EU relations are expanding fast. While the relationship between EU and China was initially more of a transactional and pragmatic type with the supremacy of trade, it has gradually shifted toward a strategic and comprehensive one. In this regard, this article sought to answer the following questions: what is the driving force behind the EU-China partnership and what are the obstacles to its further development? The research hypothesis states that a common view of the world order, multilateralism and common economic interests have led to the signing of the strategic partnership between the EU and China. On the other hand, internal divisions within the EU, the China’s Belt and Road Initiative, market economy status of China, and the impact of transatlantic relations and the Ukraine crisis are among the challenges the partnership faces. In this study, qualitative method and statistical analysis were carried out within the theoretical framework of Keohane and Nye’s complex interdependence. The results indicate that the European Union has defined a special type of strategic partnership with an emphasis on fluidity of business sectors and geography in order to achieve strategic goals such as enhancing its role in international relations and through its strategic partnership in Asia and Indo-Pacific strategy, it seeks to change China's behavior. On the other hand, challenges such as the Ukraine crisis have increased the pressure on the EU to review its Indo-Pacific strategy and harmonize it with the exclusive and anti-China US-led indo-Pacific strategy. China-EU relations are expanding fast. While the relationship between EU and China was initially more of a transactional and pragmatic type with the supremacy of trade, it has gradually shifted toward a strategic and comprehensive one. In this regard, this article sought to answer the following questions: what is the driving force behind the EU-China partnership and what are the obstacles to its further development? The research hypothesis states that a common view of the world order, multilateralism and common economic interests have led to the signing of the strategic partnership between the EU and China. On the other hand, internal divisions within the EU, the China’s Belt and Road Initiative, market economy status of China, and the impact of transatlantic relations and the Ukraine crisis are among the challenges the partnership faces. In this study, qualitative method and statistical analysis were carried out within the theoretical framework of Keohane and Nye’s complex interdependence. The results indicate that the European Union has defined a special type of strategic partnership with an emphasis on fluidity of business sectors and geography in order to achieve strategic goals such as enhancing its role in international relations and through its strategic partnership in Asia and Indo-Pacific strategy, it seeks to change China's behavior. On the other hand, challenges such as the Ukraine crisis have increased the pressure on the EU to review its Indo-Pacific strategy and harmonize it with the exclusive and anti-China US-led indo-Pacific strategy.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_157794_67481f7068037416353e66fe75540684.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 The role of public variables in the Eu's foreign policy and decision-making process towards JCPOA The role of public variables in the Eu's foreign policy and decision-making process towards JCPOA 71 100 157795 10.22034/irr.2022.341445.2185 FA Sajjad Ebadi PhD student of Political Science, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Seyed Ali Tabatabaee Panah Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran Alireza Soltani Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. 0000-0003-0936-3257 Journal Article 2022 05 17 Abstract: If we consider foreign policy as a "system", decision-making and policy-making is the brain of the thinker, and the processes and factors that affect them are the "main subsystems" in this framework. It has been the subject of extensive research to examine the circumstances under which indicators and based on what purpose and motivation could play a more important role in a policy. Foreign policy policy-making is the decision-making to ensure the national interest in bargaining between policymakers and public variables emanating from the heart of society, namely think tanks, think tanks, media, non-governmental organizations, unions and guilds, parties and think tanks. Their role in EU foreign policy on JCPOA is the subject of this article. The European Union, one of the most important players in the international system since its inception and one of the most influential in ensuring international peace and security, has also made resolving the Iranian nuclear issue, which has been one of the main challenges in this field for the past 20 years, a priority. This article examines the structure and process of foreign policy of the Union and their relationship with the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Program to recognize the role and impact of public variables in the BRICS and the result on the importance and influence of these variables in concluding the agreement. Its implementation and maintenance are emphasized by mentioning the details. Abstract: If we consider foreign policy as a "system", decision-making and policy-making is the brain of the thinker, and the processes and factors that affect them are the "main subsystems" in this framework. It has been the subject of extensive research to examine the circumstances under which indicators and based on what purpose and motivation could play a more important role in a policy. Foreign policy policy-making is the decision-making to ensure the national interest in bargaining between policymakers and public variables emanating from the heart of society, namely think tanks, think tanks, media, non-governmental organizations, unions and guilds, parties and think tanks. Their role in EU foreign policy on JCPOA is the subject of this article. The European Union, one of the most important players in the international system since its inception and one of the most influential in ensuring international peace and security, has also made resolving the Iranian nuclear issue, which has been one of the main challenges in this field for the past 20 years, a priority. This article examines the structure and process of foreign policy of the Union and their relationship with the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Program to recognize the role and impact of public variables in the BRICS and the result on the importance and influence of these variables in concluding the agreement. Its implementation and maintenance are emphasized by mentioning the details.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_157795_7af0c0ddd24cdfe7249099fc6752f5bb.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 Explaining why and how War of Russia and Ukraine was formed based on the "balance of threat" theory Explaining why and how War of Russia and Ukraine was formed based on the "balance of threat" theory 101 128 155866 10.22034/irr.2022.352245.2231 FA Alireza Samii Esfahani Associate Professor of Department of Political Science, Yasouj University 0000-0002-1303-4555 Sara Farahmand Graduated MA in Political Science PNU 0000-0002-7638-8262 Journal Article 2022 07 17 Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022 is the largest military mobilization in Europe since World War II. The intervention and increasing influence of the West (the United States, the European Union and its military arm NATO) in the fields of Russian security has created serious and vital concerns for this country, so that theorists such as Stephen Walt believe that the path followed by Western governments is the perception of Russia. It strengthens the threat, especially NATO's eastward expansion is a serious provocation that has reduced the level of mutual trust. Therefore, Moscow imagines that the sphere of influence and private life of this country is getting narrower day by day. With this description, the study by using the theoretical approach of Stephen Walt's threat balance based on 4 indicators: 1) overall power, 2) geographical proximity, 3) offensive power and 4) offensive intentions tries to answer the main question of what causes and motives of Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022 are? The findings of the research show that the understanding of threats and dangers caused by the movements and actions of the United States and NATO in Eastern Europe and especially in Ukraine has caused Putin's determination to counter NATO's advance to become aggressive and ultimately cause Russia's invasion of Ukraine Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022 is the largest military mobilization in Europe since World War II. The intervention and increasing influence of the West (the United States, the European Union and its military arm NATO) in the fields of Russian security has created serious and vital concerns for this country, so that theorists such as Stephen Walt believe that the path followed by Western governments is the perception of Russia. It strengthens the threat, especially NATO's eastward expansion is a serious provocation that has reduced the level of mutual trust. Therefore, Moscow imagines that the sphere of influence and private life of this country is getting narrower day by day. With this description, the study by using the theoretical approach of Stephen Walt's threat balance based on 4 indicators: 1) overall power, 2) geographical proximity, 3) offensive power and 4) offensive intentions tries to answer the main question of what causes and motives of Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022 are? The findings of the research show that the understanding of threats and dangers caused by the movements and actions of the United States and NATO in Eastern Europe and especially in Ukraine has caused Putin's determination to counter NATO's advance to become aggressive and ultimately cause Russia's invasion of Ukraine

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_155866_6697b2645575d07fdf59bac39fec0f23.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 Iran's nuclear program and the Middle East security regime in the Trump era Iran's nuclear program and the Middle East security regime in the Trump era 131 154 160242 10.22034/irr.2022.342047.2184 FA Morteza Alikhani PhD student in International Relations, Department of International Relations, Kish International Unit, Islamic Azad University, Kish Island, Iran Arsalan Ghorbani Sheikhneshin Professor of the Department of International Relations, Khwarazmi University, Tehran. Mohamad Reza Ghaedi Associate Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Shiraz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shiraz, Iran. Journal Article 2022 05 12 Foreign policy choices usually range from historical to routine decisions. Political elites may decide to start conflicts, form alliances, reach agreements, make peace with one another, establish diplomatic relations, adopt certain views on nuclear nonproliferation, or enforce sanctions against other players. This study aims to analyze the motivations behind the efforts of the United State in the verbal aspect to prevent the development of Iran’s nuclear program. To this end, it tries to answer the following main question: How has the United States’ verbal strategy for securitization of Iran’s nuclear program evolved and why is this approach so aggressive? The research hypothesis, which is examined using the descriptive-analytical method and the doctrines of security studies in the Copenhagen School, is based on the proposition that the United States’ verbal strategy has maintained its aggressive nature via exaggerating the concern that one of the aspects of Iran’s access to nuclear weapons is achieving regional hegemony, with the aim of providing the US with access to the resources of the Middle East. The results of this study indicate that the leaders of the White House are trying to ensure that the US gains access to the Middle East’s oil, protects Israel and annihilates security threats. Foreign policy choices usually range from historical to routine decisions. Political elites may decide to start conflicts, form alliances, reach agreements, make peace with one another, establish diplomatic relations, adopt certain views on nuclear nonproliferation, or enforce sanctions against other players. This study aims to analyze the motivations behind the efforts of the United State in the verbal aspect to prevent the development of Iran’s nuclear program. To this end, it tries to answer the following main question: How has the United States’ verbal strategy for securitization of Iran’s nuclear program evolved and why is this approach so aggressive? The research hypothesis, which is examined using the descriptive-analytical method and the doctrines of security studies in the Copenhagen School, is based on the proposition that the United States’ verbal strategy has maintained its aggressive nature via exaggerating the concern that one of the aspects of Iran’s access to nuclear weapons is achieving regional hegemony, with the aim of providing the US with access to the resources of the Middle East. The results of this study indicate that the leaders of the White House are trying to ensure that the US gains access to the Middle East’s oil, protects Israel and annihilates security threats.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_160242_1aadde4ccfc50a0b0b38a8ece17d9c55.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 life of the world; The intellectual and ritual territory and origins of the Sabean society of Iran life of the world; The intellectual and ritual territory and origins of the Sabean society of Iran 155 184 160716 10.22034/irr.2022.362209.2265 FA Abdolreza Mazraeh PhD student in Quranic and Hadith Sciences, Islamic Azad University, Khorramabad Branch, Khorramabad, Iran . Yadolah Maleki Assistant Professor, Department of Quran and Hadith, Islamic Azad University, Khorramabad Branch, Khorramabad, Iran . Jafar Taban Assistant Professor, Department of Quran and Hadith, Shahid Mahallati University of Qom, Qom, Iran. Journal Article 2022 09 14 There are many ambiguities in the Sabians religion; so that there is a great deal of disagreement among many ancient and contemporary writers and scholars about their origin and belonging to a particular land. Due to the absence of any works or scrolls that specify the original origin of the Sabeans, it is difficult to determine the original location of the Niandai Sabeans. Although many studies have been written about the original homeland of the Sabians and their origins with reference to a particular side, however the present study summarizes all the opinions and tries to reach the closest opinion in this field by relying on ancient manuscripts, historical information and original books. In our research, we seek to compile a library and study books in an analytical-descriptive study. According to the frequent mention of Palestine in their holy books, and based on the evidence in the texts and brief signs that were in the Mandaeans books, the idea that their homeland before their migration to Mesopotamia was Palestinian, it is closer. In addition to that, in the text of the article, we will try to address the position of the Sabeans in terms of Shiite jurisprudence and the fundamental rights of Iran. There are many ambiguities in the Sabians religion; so that there is a great deal of disagreement among many ancient and contemporary writers and scholars about their origin and belonging to a particular land. Due to the absence of any works or scrolls that specify the original origin of the Sabeans, it is difficult to determine the original location of the Niandai Sabeans. Although many studies have been written about the original homeland of the Sabians and their origins with reference to a particular side, however the present study summarizes all the opinions and tries to reach the closest opinion in this field by relying on ancient manuscripts, historical information and original books. In our research, we seek to compile a library and study books in an analytical-descriptive study. According to the frequent mention of Palestine in their holy books, and based on the evidence in the texts and brief signs that were in the Mandaeans books, the idea that their homeland before their migration to Mesopotamia was Palestinian, it is closer. In addition to that, in the text of the article, we will try to address the position of the Sabeans in terms of Shiite jurisprudence and the fundamental rights of Iran.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_160716_75b1c082f15c86ff0ce2a3aa0a3520eb.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 United States, Securitization of Iran in the Perception of West Asia and decline of Peace Dividend in the Political Economy of the Region United States, Securitization of Iran in the Perception of West Asia and decline of Peace Dividend in the Political Economy of the Region 185 220 160001 10.22034/irr.2022.362112.2264 FA Masoud Hashemi PhD student in Political Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Razi University 0000-0001-6222-7743 Farhad Daneshnia Associate Professor of International Relations, Faculty of Social Sciences, Razi University Ghudratt Ahmadyan Associate Professor of International Relations, Faculty of Social Sciences, Razi University Journal Article 2022 09 14 The Islamic Republic of Iran considers the West Asian region as the main geography of activity in its periphery. The orientation of the upstream documents of the Islamic Republic of Iran is focused on the development of all-round interactions with the mentioned region. One of the challenges facing Iran's economic, political and security goals in the West Asian region is the tension and hostility between Iran and the United States, which has cast a shadow on the development of Iran's relations with this region. The focus of American foreign and security policy is on building a securitized image of Iran and representing it as a threat against the territorial integrity, ideas, beliefs and political sovereignty of the countries of the West Asian region. The American Iran phobia project in West Asia has led to the formation of a kind of threat perception from Iran among the countries of this region. The question of this article is that, in what framework can be understood the encountering of United States toward Islamic Republic of Iran in the West Asian region. The research hypothesis is designed in such a way that the efforts of the United States in the West Asian region are based on the representation and reconstruction of Iran as a securitized actor. The result of this has been the allocation of a larger share of the gross domestic product of the countries of the West Asian region to military expenditures and the reduction of the Peace Dividend in the region. The Islamic Republic of Iran considers the West Asian region as the main geography of activity in its periphery. The orientation of the upstream documents of the Islamic Republic of Iran is focused on the development of all-round interactions with the mentioned region. One of the challenges facing Iran's economic, political and security goals in the West Asian region is the tension and hostility between Iran and the United States, which has cast a shadow on the development of Iran's relations with this region. The focus of American foreign and security policy is on building a securitized image of Iran and representing it as a threat against the territorial integrity, ideas, beliefs and political sovereignty of the countries of the West Asian region. The American Iran phobia project in West Asia has led to the formation of a kind of threat perception from Iran among the countries of this region. The question of this article is that, in what framework can be understood the encountering of United States toward Islamic Republic of Iran in the West Asian region. The research hypothesis is designed in such a way that the efforts of the United States in the West Asian region are based on the representation and reconstruction of Iran as a securitized actor. The result of this has been the allocation of a larger share of the gross domestic product of the countries of the West Asian region to military expenditures and the reduction of the Peace Dividend in the region.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_160001_d038525aa657fd736c8fabfa99610c2c.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 The entanglement of the Iran-US conflict and the Middle East peace process: examining the era of Barack Obama and Donald Trump The entanglement of the Iran-US conflict and the Middle East peace process: examining the era of Barack Obama and Donald Trump 221 247 162913 10.22034/irr.2022.370903.2300 FA Seyed Hadi Ariashokooh PhD student, Department of Political Science, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran. Abbas Moradi Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran. 0009-0001-4024-3053 Asghar Partovi Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran. Malek Zolghadr Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran. Journal Article 2022 11 19 The political stalemate between Iran and America, with the Islamic revolution and the continuation of the conflict filled with the separation of relations between the two countries, after the passage of four decades, raises this question for the wisdom of the questioner, that according to the historical development of Iran and America. and the multiplication of regional interests, along with taking into account the opportunities that have arisen to restore and improve the relations between the two countries and its impact on the Middle East, why, entering the fifth decade of the revolution, the diplomatic channels of the two countries are still blocked. What variables affect this issue, in this article it has been investigated that there is a link between the conflict between Iran and America on the one hand and the Palestinian conflict or in other words the Middle East peace process, a link is intertwined that the resolution of the conflict between Iran and America is tied to the Middle East peace process, on the other hand, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to end the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians without the agreement of the Islamic Republic of Iran, so it is focused on these complications in the era of Obama and Trump. An explanatory method has been used to analyze the relationship between variables, and the method of data collection is library and documentation. The political stalemate between Iran and America, with the Islamic revolution and the continuation of the conflict filled with the separation of relations between the two countries, after the passage of four decades, raises this question for the wisdom of the questioner, that according to the historical development of Iran and America. and the multiplication of regional interests, along with taking into account the opportunities that have arisen to restore and improve the relations between the two countries and its impact on the Middle East, why, entering the fifth decade of the revolution, the diplomatic channels of the two countries are still blocked. What variables affect this issue, in this article it has been investigated that there is a link between the conflict between Iran and America on the one hand and the Palestinian conflict or in other words the Middle East peace process, a link is intertwined that the resolution of the conflict between Iran and America is tied to the Middle East peace process, on the other hand, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to end the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians without the agreement of the Islamic Republic of Iran, so it is focused on these complications in the era of Obama and Trump. An explanatory method has been used to analyze the relationship between variables, and the method of data collection is library and documentation.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_162913_e774c32124a26716ade5e0bc223f2f30.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 Influential components in the confrontational approach between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America Influential components in the confrontational approach between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America 249 276 163818 10.22034/irr.2022.369010.2293 FA Seyed Ali Bani Hashemi PhD student, Department of International Relations, Qom Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qom, Iran. Mashallah Heidarpour Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Qom Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qom, Iran. Davood Kiani Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Qom Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qom, Iran. Journal Article 2022 11 08 After the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic in Iran, the friendship and interaction between Iran and the United States of America has given way to confrontation and hostility. Despite the various views that have been put forward in this regard, so far little research has been done to explain this confrontational approach between the two countries by examining the internal and external factors that are influential in this field. In this article, the main question is; The continuation of confrontation between the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America is based on what approach and components can be analyzed and analyzed? The main hypothesis; Continuity and reasons for the continuation of confrontation between the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America in the form of a neo-realism approach based on internal components such as anti-arrogance and the fight against American hegemony and external components such as; Iranophobia, Jewish lobbies and opposition groups of the Islamic Republic of Iran, hostile propaganda, Arab and Iraqi incitement against Iran, American military actions against Iran, and extensive American sanctions can be explained and analyzed. The main objective; The investigation and analysis of the internal and external influencing factors on the continuation of the confrontational approach of the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America. After the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic in Iran, the friendship and interaction between Iran and the United States of America has given way to confrontation and hostility. Despite the various views that have been put forward in this regard, so far little research has been done to explain this confrontational approach between the two countries by examining the internal and external factors that are influential in this field. In this article, the main question is; The continuation of confrontation between the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America is based on what approach and components can be analyzed and analyzed? The main hypothesis; Continuity and reasons for the continuation of confrontation between the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America in the form of a neo-realism approach based on internal components such as anti-arrogance and the fight against American hegemony and external components such as; Iranophobia, Jewish lobbies and opposition groups of the Islamic Republic of Iran, hostile propaganda, Arab and Iraqi incitement against Iran, American military actions against Iran, and extensive American sanctions can be explained and analyzed. The main objective; The investigation and analysis of the internal and external influencing factors on the continuation of the confrontational approach of the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_163818_4c7071c80823feedf71207e42183ea3b.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 Studies and Analysis of Political Discourse: Leadership of the Sadr party in Iraq Studies and Analysis of Political Discourse: Leadership of the Sadr party in Iraq 297 333 163681 10.22034/irr.2021.306052.2051 FA Fatemeh Jorjoran Shoshtari Ph.D. student, Department of Political Thought, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Mohamad Reza Hatami Professor, Department of Political Science, Payam Noor University, Tehran, Iran. Ahmad Bakhshayeshi Ardestani Professor, Department of Political Thought, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Hossein Allah Karam Assistant Professor, Department of Political Thought, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Journal Article 2021 09 22 The attitude of currents political and social parties towards identity issues and normative concepts clarifies the important ideas and subjective assumptions in any society. As redefining and identifying social norms can expand party relations and promote political and social goals. Move towards unity and streamline the nation-building process. The leader of the Sadr movement by raising the flag of Iraqi nationalism asks the Iraqi people to end tensions and insecurities with a national spirit, to move towards unity, and to streamline the nation-building process. Applying identifiers and semantic elements such as nationalism and patriotic Islamism and the fight against corruption and reformism bring success to charismatic school when different discourses of rival parties are in crisis or silent. In addition, with a proper prioritization, it is possible to absorb the floating and aimless components of society that have been discouraged and passive. However, as long as the society is inflamed and excited, this process will achieve significant success, because public mobilization and party obedience need passion and inflammation, and if the political and social school of charisma fails to achieve its goals, it will stagnate and disengage. The attitude of currents political and social parties towards identity issues and normative concepts clarifies the important ideas and subjective assumptions in any society. As redefining and identifying social norms can expand party relations and promote political and social goals. Move towards unity and streamline the nation-building process. The leader of the Sadr movement by raising the flag of Iraqi nationalism asks the Iraqi people to end tensions and insecurities with a national spirit, to move towards unity, and to streamline the nation-building process. Applying identifiers and semantic elements such as nationalism and patriotic Islamism and the fight against corruption and reformism bring success to charismatic school when different discourses of rival parties are in crisis or silent. In addition, with a proper prioritization, it is possible to absorb the floating and aimless components of society that have been discouraged and passive. However, as long as the society is inflamed and excited, this process will achieve significant success, because public mobilization and party obedience need passion and inflammation, and if the political and social school of charisma fails to achieve its goals, it will stagnate and disengage.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_163681_34baaed9a79339107ed12c981b58e991.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 The role of the Safavid kings in the creation and evolution of the political-government structure and system in Iran The role of the Safavid kings in the creation and evolution of the political-government structure and system in Iran 335 359 166774 10.22034/irr.2022.364538.2281 FA Mohammad Matin Farahani PhD student, Department of Public Law, Damghan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Damghan, Iran. Ahmadreza Behniafar Associate Professor, Department of Theology and Islamic Studies, Damghan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Damghan, Iran. Ali Pourghasab Amiri Assistant Professor, Department of International Law, Damghan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Damghan, Iran. Journal Article 2022 10 05 The Safavid government was the first centralized and independent political system based on Shiism, which was formed after about nine hundred years after the fall of the Sassanid dynasty in Iran, and according to this period, it was able to form a new structure of the political system in Iran. The main purpose of the current research, which is written in descriptive and analytical form, is to explain the role of the Safavid kings as one of the main centers of power in the formation of a new structure in the political and governmental system of this important historical period, from this point of view, the role of the Safavid kings as one of From the centers of power, the level and scope of their performance and their type of performance should be determined. According to the results of the research, it should be said that in terms of politics and administration, the political system of the Safavids was based on the system of absolute sovereignty, and the Safavid kings, by taking advantage of various factors, focused on the creation and development of new political, financial and administrative institutions and regulations, and in the formation and The development of the new government structure played a very important role and they were able to become the source of new developments in the concentration of power, gaining religious legitimacy, using the power of Shiite jurists and carrying out political and administrative reforms in Iranian society. The Safavid government was the first centralized and independent political system based on Shiism, which was formed after about nine hundred years after the fall of the Sassanid dynasty in Iran, and according to this period, it was able to form a new structure of the political system in Iran. The main purpose of the current research, which is written in descriptive and analytical form, is to explain the role of the Safavid kings as one of the main centers of power in the formation of a new structure in the political and governmental system of this important historical period, from this point of view, the role of the Safavid kings as one of From the centers of power, the level and scope of their performance and their type of performance should be determined. According to the results of the research, it should be said that in terms of politics and administration, the political system of the Safavids was based on the system of absolute sovereignty, and the Safavid kings, by taking advantage of various factors, focused on the creation and development of new political, financial and administrative institutions and regulations, and in the formation and The development of the new government structure played a very important role and they were able to become the source of new developments in the concentration of power, gaining religious legitimacy, using the power of Shiite jurists and carrying out political and administrative reforms in Iranian society.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_166774_96e42877cb1babb4d4cd188a723bb3da.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 Comparative study of the institution of intangible property in the governance structure of Iran and Egypt Comparative study of the institution of intangible property in the governance structure of Iran and Egypt 361 387 173888 10.22034/irr.2022.362873.2271 FA Zakiyeh Soltangheis PhD student in private law, Department of Law, Ardabil Branch, Ardabil Islamic Azad University, Iran Alireza Lotfi Dodaran Assistant Professor of Private Law, Department of Private Law, Ardabil Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ardabil, Iran Davood Andarz Assistant Professor of Private Law, Department of Private Law, Damavand Branch, Islamic Azad University, Damavand, Iran Journal Article 2022 12 01 The current research has been conducted with the subject and purpose of a comparative comparative study of goodwill in the laws of Iran and Egypt. One of the most important and fundamental conditions for the realization of a correct legislative system is to know the existential nature of relationships and phenomena related to the legislative field. In the meantime, one of the phenomena that affects the society and has led to the approval of various laws regarding it is called "goodwill". As a type of lease contract between the lessor and the tenant, the lease agreement has always had dark and ambiguous points, and this research aims to address some of the most important points of the lease agreement and while examining the differences and commonalities of this issue in the civil law of the country. , compare and adapt it with the civil law of Egypt. The research method in this study was qualitative and the study of texts related to the subject and the text of the civil laws of the two countries of Iran and Egypt. The difference that exists is that in Egyptian law, if the goodwill lease contract is implicitly renewed, its duration is customary; While in Iranian law, there is no special text regarding the duration of goodwill lease that has been renewed, and as the contracting parties implicitly agree on the other terms of the goodwill lease contract, the term must be determined. Agree on a certain time implicitly. The current research has been conducted with the subject and purpose of a comparative comparative study of goodwill in the laws of Iran and Egypt. One of the most important and fundamental conditions for the realization of a correct legislative system is to know the existential nature of relationships and phenomena related to the legislative field. In the meantime, one of the phenomena that affects the society and has led to the approval of various laws regarding it is called "goodwill". As a type of lease contract between the lessor and the tenant, the lease agreement has always had dark and ambiguous points, and this research aims to address some of the most important points of the lease agreement and while examining the differences and commonalities of this issue in the civil law of the country. , compare and adapt it with the civil law of Egypt. The research method in this study was qualitative and the study of texts related to the subject and the text of the civil laws of the two countries of Iran and Egypt. The difference that exists is that in Egyptian law, if the goodwill lease contract is implicitly renewed, its duration is customary; While in Iranian law, there is no special text regarding the duration of goodwill lease that has been renewed, and as the contracting parties implicitly agree on the other terms of the goodwill lease contract, the term must be determined. Agree on a certain time implicitly.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_173888_535930dfb6b351001869d2cf9ee07833.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 Legal rules and structure of holdings in French political economy Legal rules and structure of holdings in French political economy 389 422 181179 10.22034/irr.2022.320682.2108 FA Nahid Kamranzadeh PhD student, Department of Law, Shiraz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shiraz, Iran. Mostafa Mandegar Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Shiraz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shiraz, Iran. Mahsa Hoseinimoghadam Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Shiraz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shiraz, Iran. Journal Article 2021 12 19 In the modern era, new actors have emerged in various subject areas, among these actors are modern companies and among them holdings. This article deals with the rules of the institutional environment of activity and the structure of holdings in the French political economy. There is a long interdisciplinary debate about the government and the market as two fields of politics and wealth. In different societies, due to the differences in these fields as well as the different policies of the governments, the legal and institutional environment of the activities of all kinds of companies is different, based on this, this article explains the effects and consequences of the French institutional ecosystem, which itself is affected by national policies. And international interactions and technological and economic platforms are discussed on the structure and organization of holdings. The research method in this article is explanatory, and the method of collecting data and information is library and documentary. In the modern era, new actors have emerged in various subject areas, among these actors are modern companies and among them holdings. This article deals with the rules of the institutional environment of activity and the structure of holdings in the French political economy. There is a long interdisciplinary debate about the government and the market as two fields of politics and wealth. In different societies, due to the differences in these fields as well as the different policies of the governments, the legal and institutional environment of the activities of all kinds of companies is different, based on this, this article explains the effects and consequences of the French institutional ecosystem, which itself is affected by national policies. And international interactions and technological and economic platforms are discussed on the structure and organization of holdings. The research method in this article is explanatory, and the method of collecting data and information is library and documentary.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_181179_5196c155dd0b1d57c765d7d1d4454d0e.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 3 2022 09 23 The requirements of the concept of fairness of rulers and political agents from the perspective of the Quran and Islamic traditions The requirements of the concept of fairness of rulers and political agents from the perspective of the Quran and Islamic traditions 423 456 190877 10.22034/irr.2022.190877 FA Narges Mirzadeh Ph.D. in Quran and Hadith Studies, Lecturer at Farhangian University of Hormozgan, Iran Aazam Etemadi Fard Assistant Professor, Department of Quranic and Hadith Studies, Islamic Azad University, Yazd Branch, Yazd, Iran. Abolghasem Asi Assistant Professor, Department of Quranic and Hadith Studies, Islamic Azad University, Yazd Branch, Yazd, Iran Mohamadreza Aboei Assistant Professor, Department of Quranic and Hadith Studies, Islamic Azad University, Yazd Branch, Yazd, Iran Journal Article 2024 02 22 This article focuses on the principles and indicators of fairness of rulers and political agents from the perspective of the Quran and Islamic traditions. In this regard, it has been tried to extract the concept of fairness and its indicators from the verses of the Holy Qur'an and Islamic traditions and hadiths. The findings of this article show that in the Holy Qur'an and Islamic traditions, fairness, in addition to being an important value in the Islamic society and also in Communication with non-Muslims and enemies is considered, but also in political, economic and social fields, the rulers and agents of the Islamic society should be committed to its characteristics in the way they act and act both at the individual levels and at the levels of political responsibilities. Also, in this article, in addition to the indicators of fairness, the necessity and factors of its realization are discussed from the perspective of the Holy Quran and hadiths. The research method in this article is descriptive and analytical, and the method of collecting data and evidence is the library and document method, through which evidence is extracted from the verses of the Qur'an, hadiths and Islamic traditions. This article focuses on the principles and indicators of fairness of rulers and political agents from the perspective of the Quran and Islamic traditions. In this regard, it has been tried to extract the concept of fairness and its indicators from the verses of the Holy Qur'an and Islamic traditions and hadiths. The findings of this article show that in the Holy Qur'an and Islamic traditions, fairness, in addition to being an important value in the Islamic society and also in Communication with non-Muslims and enemies is considered, but also in political, economic and social fields, the rulers and agents of the Islamic society should be committed to its characteristics in the way they act and act both at the individual levels and at the levels of political responsibilities. Also, in this article, in addition to the indicators of fairness, the necessity and factors of its realization are discussed from the perspective of the Holy Quran and hadiths. The research method in this article is descriptive and analytical, and the method of collecting data and evidence is the library and document method, through which evidence is extracted from the verses of the Qur'an, hadiths and Islamic traditions.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_190877_ad7b71796b8a570ec0ec2daf0917f158.pdf