The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 Explaining China's challenges in becoming a hegemony from the perspective of international political economy Explaining China's challenges in becoming a hegemony from the perspective of international political economy 7 37 160718 10.22034/irr.2022.352337.2232 FA Mohammad Abolfathi Department of Political science,Faculty of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Razi University,Kermanshah, Iran Javad Biglari Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Razi University, Kermanshah, Iran. 0000-0001-9010-1013 Journal Article 2022 07 18 since the economic reforms in China in 1978 by Deng Xiaoping, the country has experienced increasing growth. So that many international organizations such as the OECD and theorists such as Rachman believe that the world's economic center of gravity has shifted to the east and the southern countries under the leadership of China, and this country will challenge the hegemony of the United States seriously faced; But according to the research findings and the views of some political economy theorists such as Kiely, since China's growth is based on mass production and the export of assembled goods, this country has not experienced the technological development that makes other countries dependent on it, and China continues to plays the role of a peripheral state in the international division of labor, which is dependent on industrialized countries, and the concepts of center-periphery are still important and practical. the question is, what are China's economic challenges in becoming a hegemony? In response to the above question, the hypothesis was raised that considering Beijing's problems and economic dependence on industrialized countries, especially Europe and USA, it is impossible for China to achieve hegemony. In this article, the dependency school theory is used to show the lack of independence of China's economy from the central and industrialized countries, and we will use the explanatory method to show the China challenges . The purpose of this research is to point out the peripheral role of China in the international division of labor despite its economic growth. since the economic reforms in China in 1978 by Deng Xiaoping, the country has experienced increasing growth. So that many international organizations such as the OECD and theorists such as Rachman believe that the world's economic center of gravity has shifted to the east and the southern countries under the leadership of China, and this country will challenge the hegemony of the United States seriously faced; But according to the research findings and the views of some political economy theorists such as Kiely, since China's growth is based on mass production and the export of assembled goods, this country has not experienced the technological development that makes other countries dependent on it, and China continues to plays the role of a peripheral state in the international division of labor, which is dependent on industrialized countries, and the concepts of center-periphery are still important and practical. the question is, what are China's economic challenges in becoming a hegemony? In response to the above question, the hypothesis was raised that considering Beijing's problems and economic dependence on industrialized countries, especially Europe and USA, it is impossible for China to achieve hegemony. In this article, the dependency school theory is used to show the lack of independence of China's economy from the central and industrialized countries, and we will use the explanatory method to show the China challenges . The purpose of this research is to point out the peripheral role of China in the international division of labor despite its economic growth.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_160718_02748fa96350010e36d6009fcc3d7be5.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 Israel; Iraqi Kurdistan's independence and its threats to the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran Israel; Iraqi Kurdistan's independence and its threats to the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran 39 67 160717 10.22034/irr.2022.335485.2165 FA Ali Khatar Khah Anaghiz Islamic Azad University, South Tehran Branch Zohre Poustinchi Associate Professor, Islamic Azad University,Department of Law and Political Science, South Tehran Branch, Journal Article 2022 03 29 Having an independent state is one of the aspirations of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, which has always been supported by Israel, despite the opposition of the neighboring countries and the Iraqi central government. This research seeks to use the descriptive-analytical method to test the hypothesis and the library and filing method for data collection, and the use of defensive realist theory propositions with emphasis on balance. Threat, find out what is the role of Israel in the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan and what effect does this factor have on Iran's national security? The results show that for Israel, widespread support for Iraqi Kurdistan's pro-independence tendencies within the framework of the Bangorion Alliance strategy has always been an important part of the regime's foreign policy strategy to legitimize its existence and break the isolation in the region. And the establishment of the alliance with a non-Arab entity and bordering on Iran. Given that Iran's national security is a function of the set of internal developments and movements in the surrounding security environment, advancing the independence-seeking tendencies of the Iraqi Kurdistan region with the support of Israel will have several consequences for Iran, the most important of which is ‌ Be able to create new demands among the Kurds in Iran, spread ethnic and sectarian differences, worry about the formation of Greater Kurdistan, intensify Israeli control measures against Iran and create deterrence against Iran's presence and influence in the region and threaten integration. And pointed out the cohesion of Iran. Having an independent state is one of the aspirations of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, which has always been supported by Israel, despite the opposition of the neighboring countries and the Iraqi central government. This research seeks to use the descriptive-analytical method to test the hypothesis and the library and filing method for data collection, and the use of defensive realist theory propositions with emphasis on balance. Threat, find out what is the role of Israel in the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan and what effect does this factor have on Iran's national security? The results show that for Israel, widespread support for Iraqi Kurdistan's pro-independence tendencies within the framework of the Bangorion Alliance strategy has always been an important part of the regime's foreign policy strategy to legitimize its existence and break the isolation in the region. And the establishment of the alliance with a non-Arab entity and bordering on Iran. Given that Iran's national security is a function of the set of internal developments and movements in the surrounding security environment, advancing the independence-seeking tendencies of the Iraqi Kurdistan region with the support of Israel will have several consequences for Iran, the most important of which is ‌ Be able to create new demands among the Kurds in Iran, spread ethnic and sectarian differences, worry about the formation of Greater Kurdistan, intensify Israeli control measures against Iran and create deterrence against Iran's presence and influence in the region and threaten integration. And pointed out the cohesion of Iran.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_160717_6d645d7a49f6a66197d4f9428cee77c4.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 Non-State security networking and deterrence; Case study of Iran, Pakistan Non-State security networking and deterrence; Case study of Iran, Pakistan 69 101 163904 10.22034/irr.2022.364660.2282 FA Somayyeh Karimdoost PhD candidate in International Relations, University of Tehran Farhad Ghasemi Associate Professor of International Relations, University of Tehran Journal Article 2022 10 06 Due to its significant applications in security building, deterrence system has always been an issue of consideration. One of the important issues in deterrence systems is the mechanisms that these systems are built upon. In accordance with the changes in structures and patterns of international order, deterrence has also evolved. One of these changes, is the networked base effect of non- state actors on deterrence. This evolution has not been considered in recent theories of deterrence. So, the main concern of article is on the way on which non- state actors affect the formation and patterns of deterrence. It is concluded that in the context of asymmetric patterned of order, non-state networks effect on deterrence-based policies by benefiting from heterarchical order structures and converting power to threat. They can finally form the panarchy of deterrence in international relations. By updating the fifth wave of deterrence theory and complying It with the principles of complex- chaotic theory and networked order, this article could provide theoretical bases for elucidation of non- state networked deterrence. The concepts of resilient- networked deterrence and panarchy of deterrence are newly used in this article and can be a proper ground for further research in the field of security and deterrence. At the end, the resort of Iran and Pakistan to non- state networked deterrence has been analyzed to realize the theoretical founding arguments of the article. An abductive method of research that is based on close interaction between theory and practice is used in this work. Due to its significant applications in security building, deterrence system has always been an issue of consideration. One of the important issues in deterrence systems is the mechanisms that these systems are built upon. In accordance with the changes in structures and patterns of international order, deterrence has also evolved. One of these changes, is the networked base effect of non- state actors on deterrence. This evolution has not been considered in recent theories of deterrence. So, the main concern of article is on the way on which non- state actors affect the formation and patterns of deterrence. It is concluded that in the context of asymmetric patterned of order, non-state networks effect on deterrence-based policies by benefiting from heterarchical order structures and converting power to threat. They can finally form the panarchy of deterrence in international relations. By updating the fifth wave of deterrence theory and complying It with the principles of complex- chaotic theory and networked order, this article could provide theoretical bases for elucidation of non- state networked deterrence. The concepts of resilient- networked deterrence and panarchy of deterrence are newly used in this article and can be a proper ground for further research in the field of security and deterrence. At the end, the resort of Iran and Pakistan to non- state networked deterrence has been analyzed to realize the theoretical founding arguments of the article. An abductive method of research that is based on close interaction between theory and practice is used in this work.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_163904_47076b4cc5bfaf77bbe68bb8381cfd6d.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 The Position of Indo-Pacific Region in Britain’s New Strategy (2015-2021) The Position of Indo-Pacific Region in Britain’s New Strategy (2015-2021) 103 133 163679 10.22034/irr.2022.354032.2238 FA Mehdi Amiri Assistance professor of the office of political studies, Islamic Parliament Research Center of The Islamic Republic of IRAN, Tehran, Iran. Mehrshad Ghafarizade Ph.D. Candidate of International Relations, Faculty of Administrative Sciences and Economics, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran 0000-0001-6920-7569 Ehsan Fallahi Ph.D. Candidate of International Relations, Faculty of Administrative Sciences and Economics, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran Journal Article 2022 07 30 Indo-Pacific Region has become a center of competition between the leading powers, and it has drawn the attention of key international and local players. One of these major powers is the UK actively revisiting its position in the world, particularly after Brexit. British government has published the “Global Britain” vision in the Integrated Review in order to reconsider its position as a major power in the world. The Integrated Review makes the UK government to deepen its engagement and consolidate its place in Indo-Pacific Region for a long-term. The Integrated Review document obliges the government to strengthen the UK’s persistent presence in Indo-Pacific Region. Hence, UK has tilted its strategy toward the region in order to consolidate its changing identity as a leading European power and as an international political player. In this study, the main questions are “what is the position of Indo-Pacific Region in Britain’s new strategy? and what are the Britain's reasons for tilt toward the region?” Referring to the Bernard Cohen's theory "Geopolitics of the World System", it has been argued that the international order has been changed due to China and Russia revisionism, and Indo-Pacific Region is now considered as the arena of competition for great powers. This change has made the UK to shift its strategy toward this global hotspot and play an active and independent role at international environment. The main goal of Integrated Review is to deepen the UK’s engagement in the Region as a European nation for gaining economic and security advantages in the coming decade. The main reasons of Britain’s strategic orientation toward the region could be the economic consequences of Brexit, changing in China stance, prioritizing the US-Britain relations, achieving security-military goals, and boosting bilateral relations with Japan and India, as two regional powers. This study employed a descriptive-analytical approach in research conduction. Indo-Pacific Region has become a center of competition between the leading powers, and it has drawn the attention of key international and local players. One of these major powers is the UK actively revisiting its position in the world, particularly after Brexit. British government has published the “Global Britain” vision in the Integrated Review in order to reconsider its position as a major power in the world. The Integrated Review makes the UK government to deepen its engagement and consolidate its place in Indo-Pacific Region for a long-term. The Integrated Review document obliges the government to strengthen the UK’s persistent presence in Indo-Pacific Region. Hence, UK has tilted its strategy toward the region in order to consolidate its changing identity as a leading European power and as an international political player. In this study, the main questions are “what is the position of Indo-Pacific Region in Britain’s new strategy? and what are the Britain's reasons for tilt toward the region?” Referring to the Bernard Cohen's theory "Geopolitics of the World System", it has been argued that the international order has been changed due to China and Russia revisionism, and Indo-Pacific Region is now considered as the arena of competition for great powers. This change has made the UK to shift its strategy toward this global hotspot and play an active and independent role at international environment. The main goal of Integrated Review is to deepen the UK’s engagement in the Region as a European nation for gaining economic and security advantages in the coming decade. The main reasons of Britain’s strategic orientation toward the region could be the economic consequences of Brexit, changing in China stance, prioritizing the US-Britain relations, achieving security-military goals, and boosting bilateral relations with Japan and India, as two regional powers. This study employed a descriptive-analytical approach in research conduction.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_163679_9ee0c09b80d47742d56a91994b8dd040.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 The effect of Rantir State on the realization of good governance in the Administration of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani The effect of Rantir State on the realization of good governance in the Administration of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani 135 162 165405 10.22034/irr.2022.165405 FA Mohammad Mahdi Abadeh Yazadeh Ph.D. student, Department of Political Science, Khoramshahr International Branch, Islamic Azad University, Khoramshahr, Iran. Reza Simbar Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Gilan 0000-0001-5111-1075 Ferydon Akbarzadeh Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran. Journal Article 2023 01 21 By examining the course of contemporary history of Iran, we can point out the rentier government and its role in pushing back the development process, especially good governance. It has been a clear symbol of this type of government during the presidency of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani. The present article aims to investigate "the effects of the rentier government on the failure to achieve the desired governance in the government of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani". From this point of view, after expanding the conceptual space of the subject and expressing its problematic aspect, it will examine the various dimensions and aspects of the influence of the rentier government on political development. the payment. According to the subject documents presented in this research, the research method is descriptive-analytical and the method of gathering information in this research is document analysis. The findings of this study indicate that "the strengthening of the rentier government in Iran during the era of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani, the three arms of desirable governance, i.e. the efficient government based on the rule of law and the trust building of the institutionalized civil society and the active private sector, have contributed to the political development in Iran with has faced a challenge". By examining the course of contemporary history of Iran, we can point out the rentier government and its role in pushing back the development process, especially good governance. It has been a clear symbol of this type of government during the presidency of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani. The present article aims to investigate "the effects of the rentier government on the failure to achieve the desired governance in the government of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani". From this point of view, after expanding the conceptual space of the subject and expressing its problematic aspect, it will examine the various dimensions and aspects of the influence of the rentier government on political development. the payment. According to the subject documents presented in this research, the research method is descriptive-analytical and the method of gathering information in this research is document analysis. The findings of this study indicate that "the strengthening of the rentier government in Iran during the era of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani, the three arms of desirable governance, i.e. the efficient government based on the rule of law and the trust building of the institutionalized civil society and the active private sector, have contributed to the political development in Iran with has faced a challenge".

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_165405_527a160f221bd695e1d51677c8ca252a.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 The effect of the normalization agreement on the security complex of the Persian Gulf The effect of the normalization agreement on the security complex of the Persian Gulf 163 186 163682 10.22034/irr.2022.370236.2296 FA Arezoo Zare Askari phd student of Political Science Department, Rafsanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Rafsanjan, Iran Ebrahim Anoosheh Assistant Professor,, Political Science Department, Rafsanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Rafsanjan, Irann Mahmoud Babaie Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Shahid Bahaner University, Kerman, Iran Journal Article 2022 11 14 The Persian Gulf region is considered one of the most important regions of the world due to its geopolitical position and rich energy reserves. The developments and dynamics of this important and vital region are influenced by various factors and can be analyzed and explained from various angles. One of the most important topics in the Persian Gulf is the security category, which has been the subject of many studies. This research intends to deal with the effect of the normalization agreement on the patterns of friendship and hostility in the Persian Gulf region by using the regional security complex theory. The findings of the research show that the normalization agreement through the creation of two hostile and competing blocs, as well as a greater concentration of crisis- and tension-causing factors, can cause more instability in the security complex of the Persian Gulf and intensify the pattern of hostile relations in this region. In addition, this agreement can secure other factors such as territorial disputes or the energy category and add to the crisis-causing factors in this regional security complex. The research method in this research is descriptive and analytical and the data collection method is documentary and library. The Persian Gulf region is considered one of the most important regions of the world due to its geopolitical position and rich energy reserves. The developments and dynamics of this important and vital region are influenced by various factors and can be analyzed and explained from various angles. One of the most important topics in the Persian Gulf is the security category, which has been the subject of many studies. This research intends to deal with the effect of the normalization agreement on the patterns of friendship and hostility in the Persian Gulf region by using the regional security complex theory. The findings of the research show that the normalization agreement through the creation of two hostile and competing blocs, as well as a greater concentration of crisis- and tension-causing factors, can cause more instability in the security complex of the Persian Gulf and intensify the pattern of hostile relations in this region. In addition, this agreement can secure other factors such as territorial disputes or the energy category and add to the crisis-causing factors in this regional security complex. The research method in this research is descriptive and analytical and the data collection method is documentary and library.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_163682_a0dd678038528788b7a5ff3aadf14904.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 Relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Egypt: A comparative study of the Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Hassan Rouhani Administrations Relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Egypt: A comparative study of the Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Hassan Rouhani Administrations 187 219 164642 10.22034/irr.2023.378789.2326 FA Hassan Yousefi Ph.D. Candidate of International Relations, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran Hassan Khodaverdi Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran 0000-0002-7308-6664 Garineh Keshishyan Siraki Associate Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran 0000-0001-8645-7295 Journal Article 2022 12 29 Foreign policy is one of the important aspects of the life of nations and countries. Examining the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Egypt and its effects can help formulate strategies in foreign relations in different governments of our country and provide the conditions for solving possible problems and defects. After the Islamic awakening, governments came to power in Egypt that had an impact on relations with Iran. In this research, an attempt has been made to take a constructive look at the relations between Iran and Egypt, the foreign policy of our country in the governments of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani, and to answer the question that the relations between Iran and Egypt between How were the years from 2005 to 2021? And with what guidance can existing problems in bilateral relations be solved? In response, it should be said; In the so-called justice-oriented government of Ahmadinejad, being involved in some internal tensions and the lack of a fixed procedure in foreign policy, and in the so-called moderate Rouhani government, too much desire for relations with the West and being involved with JCPOA slowed down the development of relations with countries like Egypt, and the historical background, cultural and political commonalities along with the opportunity created by the popular uprising in this country could not help these relations much. In this research, relying on the SWOT method, the conclusion was reached that "competitive or diversification" (ST) strategy can be used to improve relations with Egypt. Foreign policy is one of the important aspects of the life of nations and countries. Examining the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Egypt and its effects can help formulate strategies in foreign relations in different governments of our country and provide the conditions for solving possible problems and defects. After the Islamic awakening, governments came to power in Egypt that had an impact on relations with Iran. In this research, an attempt has been made to take a constructive look at the relations between Iran and Egypt, the foreign policy of our country in the governments of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani, and to answer the question that the relations between Iran and Egypt between How were the years from 2005 to 2021? And with what guidance can existing problems in bilateral relations be solved? In response, it should be said; In the so-called justice-oriented government of Ahmadinejad, being involved in some internal tensions and the lack of a fixed procedure in foreign policy, and in the so-called moderate Rouhani government, too much desire for relations with the West and being involved with JCPOA slowed down the development of relations with countries like Egypt, and the historical background, cultural and political commonalities along with the opportunity created by the popular uprising in this country could not help these relations much. In this research, relying on the SWOT method, the conclusion was reached that "competitive or diversification" (ST) strategy can be used to improve relations with Egypt.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_164642_587d63d5510ad1efa80549076df07d2a.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 Examining the Triangle of convenience in white-collar and pink-collar criminals in Norwegian and Iranian law Examining the Triangle of convenience in white-collar and pink-collar criminals in Norwegian and Iranian law 221 244 167339 10.22034/irr.2022.351724.2228 FA Maryam Kamaei PhD student, Department of Criminal Law and Criminology, Khuzestan Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran. PhD student, Department of Criminal Law and Criminology, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran. 0000-0003-0483-4566 Salameh Abolhasani Assistant Professor, Department of Criminal Law and Criminology, North Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Naghmeh Farhood Assistant Professor, Department of Criminal Law and Criminology, Andimeshk Branch, Islamic Azad University, Andimeshk, Iran. Journal Article 2022 07 14 By entering the field of etiology of crimes, a logical separation can be found between the crimes of women and men. All over the world, the study of crimes committed by women and men shows the existence of a positive relationship between these crimes and the gender role of the perpetrators. Usually, research on the role of women's gender In white-collar crimes, it is focused on women's lack of financial motivation, organizational opportunity and their willingness for criminal behavior. This research uses the opposite perspective of traditional gender research on white-collar crime in terms of women's special motivation, opportunity and willingness, and challenges previous research on women's involvement in white-collar crimes. This research identifies the issues of the convenience triangle, which is specific to gender in favor of pink collar criminals. In the motivational dimension based on the convenience theory, we find the feeling of concern for others and the pressures that cause depression and anxiety, and convince men and women to commit crimes. In terms of opportunity, we realize that the position of women in organizations has the advantage that, compared to men, they are less likely to be suspected of committing a crime by others and In the willingness dimension, we come to the conclusion that women can justify their criminal acts better than men. By entering the field of etiology of crimes, a logical separation can be found between the crimes of women and men. All over the world, the study of crimes committed by women and men shows the existence of a positive relationship between these crimes and the gender role of the perpetrators. Usually, research on the role of women's gender In white-collar crimes, it is focused on women's lack of financial motivation, organizational opportunity and their willingness for criminal behavior. This research uses the opposite perspective of traditional gender research on white-collar crime in terms of women's special motivation, opportunity and willingness, and challenges previous research on women's involvement in white-collar crimes. This research identifies the issues of the convenience triangle, which is specific to gender in favor of pink collar criminals. In the motivational dimension based on the convenience theory, we find the feeling of concern for others and the pressures that cause depression and anxiety, and convince men and women to commit crimes. In terms of opportunity, we realize that the position of women in organizations has the advantage that, compared to men, they are less likely to be suspected of committing a crime by others and In the willingness dimension, we come to the conclusion that women can justify their criminal acts better than men.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_167339_45fe90a3126787a271e251e9026ada53.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 Turkey's foreign policy in the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis from the perspective of intelligent power Turkey's foreign policy in the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis from the perspective of intelligent power 245 271 164100 10.22034/irr.2022.164100 FA Ehsan Jafari Far .. Habibolah Abolhasan Shirazi Associate Professor of International Relations, Islamic Azad University, Central Tehran Branch, Tehran, Iran 0009-0005-3757-8492 Journal Article 2023 01 01 South Caucasus countries gained independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, the aggravation of territorial disputes between Azerbaijan and Armenia has led to severe conflicts over Karabakh. At the same time, Turkey, with its regional policies, is trying to play a prominent role in supporting Azerbaijan as the Turkish big brother by combining soft and hard power, or in other words, smart power. The present article, in a descriptive and analytical way, seeks to answer the question, what is the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis in Turkey's major strategies from the point of view of intelligent power?In response to this question, the hypothesis of the article states that Turkey, realizing that the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis provides a good opportunity for the influence of this country after a hundred years of being away from this region, tried to use a combination of hard policies including strengthening the military power of Azerbaijan on the one hand. and soft policies including emphasis on ethnic and racial identity to gain influence in the Caucasus region. In this regard, Turkey's intelligent power has tried to get the most benefit from the crisis situation in Karabagh with the least cost, but finally, taking into account the influence of Russia in solving the crisis and the sources of influence, Turkey has not been able to achieve its goals with complete success in the South Caucasus region. achieve foreign policy. South Caucasus countries gained independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, the aggravation of territorial disputes between Azerbaijan and Armenia has led to severe conflicts over Karabakh. At the same time, Turkey, with its regional policies, is trying to play a prominent role in supporting Azerbaijan as the Turkish big brother by combining soft and hard power, or in other words, smart power. The present article, in a descriptive and analytical way, seeks to answer the question, what is the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis in Turkey's major strategies from the point of view of intelligent power?In response to this question, the hypothesis of the article states that Turkey, realizing that the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis provides a good opportunity for the influence of this country after a hundred years of being away from this region, tried to use a combination of hard policies including strengthening the military power of Azerbaijan on the one hand. and soft policies including emphasis on ethnic and racial identity to gain influence in the Caucasus region. In this regard, Turkey's intelligent power has tried to get the most benefit from the crisis situation in Karabagh with the least cost, but finally, taking into account the influence of Russia in solving the crisis and the sources of influence, Turkey has not been able to achieve its goals with complete success in the South Caucasus region. achieve foreign policy.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_164100_1cdde6b66005abd8aaa3135d7495b2a8.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 A comparative study of the Islamic Court of Justice with international and regional courts A comparative study of the Islamic Court of Justice with international and regional courts 273 300 168780 10.22034/irr.2022.359888.2261 FA Marmar Asadian PhD student, Department of Criminal Law and Criminology, Khuzestan Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran. Seyed Basem Mavalizadeh Assistant Professor of Public Law, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran. Seyed Hassan Hosseini Assistant Professor, Department of Jurisprudence and Fundamentals of Islamic Law, Ramhormoz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ramhormoz, Iran. Journal Article 2022 09 07 The idea of dealing with international disputes that have arisen after the creation of the world community is a subject that has continuously focused the minds and activities of experts and scientists in the field of criminal justice in order to establish an international criminal authority. In addition to these activities, countries show their desire to establish new judicial authorities within the structure of international organizations or within other judicial centers, in order to make a case-by-case decision regarding claims based on the law applicable to those claims. have shown. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation is the only organization based on religious foundations that goes beyond regional obligations and national ideologies, and potentially any country where Islam is the religion of the majority of society can become a member of this organization. The Islamic countries that make up this organization have considered Islamic Sharia in order to expand and strengthen the framework of international law to resolve disputes. The first meeting of the members of this body was held following the conflict created in the Al-Aqsa Mosque area in 1969 with the aim of forcing the member states to resolve the Palestinian issue. During the eighties, during the expansion of the war between Iran and Iraq (1980-1988) and shortly before Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, the establishment of the International Islamic Court of Justice was proposed as the judicial pillar of the organization and responsible for the peaceful resolution of disputes. It was considered for it between the member states. The idea of dealing with international disputes that have arisen after the creation of the world community is a subject that has continuously focused the minds and activities of experts and scientists in the field of criminal justice in order to establish an international criminal authority. In addition to these activities, countries show their desire to establish new judicial authorities within the structure of international organizations or within other judicial centers, in order to make a case-by-case decision regarding claims based on the law applicable to those claims. have shown. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation is the only organization based on religious foundations that goes beyond regional obligations and national ideologies, and potentially any country where Islam is the religion of the majority of society can become a member of this organization. The Islamic countries that make up this organization have considered Islamic Sharia in order to expand and strengthen the framework of international law to resolve disputes. The first meeting of the members of this body was held following the conflict created in the Al-Aqsa Mosque area in 1969 with the aim of forcing the member states to resolve the Palestinian issue. During the eighties, during the expansion of the war between Iran and Iraq (1980-1988) and shortly before Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, the establishment of the International Islamic Court of Justice was proposed as the judicial pillar of the organization and responsible for the peaceful resolution of disputes. It was considered for it between the member states.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_168780_9f203a09a9a9e29b241f825f2160f38e.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 Explaining world political science research on Iran: scientometric analysis and visualization of science Explaining world political science research on Iran: scientometric analysis and visualization of science 323 301 172405 10.22034/irr.2022.172405 FA Saeed Sadeghi Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Payam Noor University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2023 06 11 To a host of countries, it is of great importance how others view them. Accordingly, nowadays suitable tools and methods are available to measure scientific yields of countries. Therefore, the present paper by means of scientometric method aims to explore works on extensive developments in Iran, which appeared in internationally distinguished journals published between 1975 and 2016. This interval has formed one of the political, social, and economic milestone in the region, especially in Iran. Research findings suggest that post-revolution Iran's developments have received particular attention from several nations. Apart from Islamic revolution, the controversial issues of nuclear energy and neighboring countries' development such as emergence of strategized terrorist groups have brought about an upsurge in research into Iran. However, it is western researchers, especially in the USA, that in addition to required prerequisites for researchers and advanced research centers, hold strategies, and predetermined national interests. To enclose, the most frequent keywords employed in the studies carried out in the above-mentioned interval in iran were foreign policy, middle east, and USA. To a host of countries, it is of great importance how others view them. Accordingly, nowadays suitable tools and methods are available to measure scientific yields of countries. Therefore, the present paper by means of scientometric method aims to explore works on extensive developments in Iran, which appeared in internationally distinguished journals published between 1975 and 2016. This interval has formed one of the political, social, and economic milestone in the region, especially in Iran. Research findings suggest that post-revolution Iran's developments have received particular attention from several nations. Apart from Islamic revolution, the controversial issues of nuclear energy and neighboring countries' development such as emergence of strategized terrorist groups have brought about an upsurge in research into Iran. However, it is western researchers, especially in the USA, that in addition to required prerequisites for researchers and advanced research centers, hold strategies, and predetermined national interests. To enclose, the most frequent keywords employed in the studies carried out in the above-mentioned interval in iran were foreign policy, middle east, and USA.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_172405_7409a91d5689a33a7f412422dbd6f89f.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 Integration policies of religious minorities in the political, social and religious system of the first period of the Abbasid Caliphate Integration policies of religious minorities in the political, social and religious system of the first period of the Abbasid Caliphate 325 348 178368 10.22034/irr.2022.178368 FA Karzan Siamand Vesoo PhD student in Islamic History, Science and Research Department, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Seyed Mohammad Sheikh Ahmadi Assistant Professor, Department of History, Sanandaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Sanandaj, Iran. Keyvan Shafi'i Assistant Professor, Department of History, Sanandaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Sanandaj, Iran. Journal Article 2023 09 01 The present study examines the interaction of Muslims (caliphs and people) with the religious minorities of the People of the Book (Christians, Jews and Zoroastrians), relying on the convergent strategies of the Abbasid Caliphate in this field. Among the various elements and components, two religious and social elements have been selected as the studied components so that by examining these two factors, we can explain the subject of the research. The geographical scope of the research is the eastern lands of the Abbasid Caliphate and the time period under study is the second and third centuries of Hijri. In this research, descriptive-analytical method was used and library sources were used to collect information. The main question of the current research is what strategies were used for the political, social and religious convergence of religious minorities during the first period of the Abbasid caliphate? The conducted studies show that the interactions of the Islamic society (Caliphs and people) towards the minorities are mostly aimed at enticing them to convert to the religion of Islam and are generally categorized in several formats, which include the peaceful dealings of the Caliphs with the minorities, an obvious attempt to allow the minorities to enter Religion in the circle of Islam is organizing religious and theological debates and interfaith debates, propagating Islam among former co-religionists of neo-Muslims, and marriage between Muslims and religious minorities. The present study examines the interaction of Muslims (caliphs and people) with the religious minorities of the People of the Book (Christians, Jews and Zoroastrians), relying on the convergent strategies of the Abbasid Caliphate in this field. Among the various elements and components, two religious and social elements have been selected as the studied components so that by examining these two factors, we can explain the subject of the research. The geographical scope of the research is the eastern lands of the Abbasid Caliphate and the time period under study is the second and third centuries of Hijri. In this research, descriptive-analytical method was used and library sources were used to collect information. The main question of the current research is what strategies were used for the political, social and religious convergence of religious minorities during the first period of the Abbasid caliphate? The conducted studies show that the interactions of the Islamic society (Caliphs and people) towards the minorities are mostly aimed at enticing them to convert to the religion of Islam and are generally categorized in several formats, which include the peaceful dealings of the Caliphs with the minorities, an obvious attempt to allow the minorities to enter Religion in the circle of Islam is organizing religious and theological debates and interfaith debates, propagating Islam among former co-religionists of neo-Muslims, and marriage between Muslims and religious minorities.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_178368_155c80f0fc600a985d12c80db3095f64.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 The independence of the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and the supervision of his prosecution and investigative performance The independence of the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and the supervision of his prosecution and investigative performance 349 370 182734 10.22034/irr.2022.357858.2251 FA Sirous Takhtaeinezhad Department of Law, Faculty of Humanities, Khomein Branch, Islamic Azad University, Khomein, Iran Akbar Rajabi Department of Law, Faculty of Humanities, Khomein Branch, Islamic Azad University, Khomein, Iran Samira Golkhandan Department of Law, Faculty of Humanities, Khomein Branch, Islamic Azad University, Khomein, Iran Journal Article 2022 08 25 One of the most fundamental discussions during the negotiations in the Rome's conference has been the prosecutor's court and the prosecutor independency and the way they interact with the other elements of the international criminal court. As soon as the prosecutor is informed of a crime which is covered by the court jurisdiction predicted based on its mechanism mentioned in the articles of association the code procedure, and evidences, meanwhile he analyses the case, starts investigation and there is any avoidance, he will prosecute the criminal himself. In order to have a judiciary control on the prosecutor's actions, there has been created an office called introductory office that the prosecutor performs all his activities under the surveillance of this office, so all his actions such as collecting and analyzing the information, summoning or arresting the condemned, hearing the witness and all the necessary proofs needed in the prosecuting will not be followed but subject to getting the permission from the introductory office. It means all the prosecutor's decisions will be executive after the confirmation of the introductory office. In other words, according to the international court articles of associate, the prosecutor's discretion isn't determinative. It's subject to the introductory office surveillance, thought. One of the most fundamental discussions during the negotiations in the Rome's conference has been the prosecutor's court and the prosecutor independency and the way they interact with the other elements of the international criminal court. As soon as the prosecutor is informed of a crime which is covered by the court jurisdiction predicted based on its mechanism mentioned in the articles of association the code procedure, and evidences, meanwhile he analyses the case, starts investigation and there is any avoidance, he will prosecute the criminal himself. In order to have a judiciary control on the prosecutor's actions, there has been created an office called introductory office that the prosecutor performs all his activities under the surveillance of this office, so all his actions such as collecting and analyzing the information, summoning or arresting the condemned, hearing the witness and all the necessary proofs needed in the prosecuting will not be followed but subject to getting the permission from the introductory office. It means all the prosecutor's decisions will be executive after the confirmation of the introductory office. In other words, according to the international court articles of associate, the prosecutor's discretion isn't determinative. It's subject to the introductory office surveillance, thought.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_182734_4a51e64c8e1b3db18475873ea842969b.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 12 4 2022 12 22 The International Organizations Position in Soft Balancing in Post-Cold War Era. The International Organizations Position in Soft Balancing in Post-Cold War Era. 403 371 163680 10.22034/irr.2022.163680 FA Mohamad Javad Ranjkesh Farzaneh Bornah Graduated from the International Relations Department of Ferdowsi University of Mashhad Journal Article 2022 12 25 In the view of the some scholars, post-cold war international structure is uni/multilateral that United States is hegemon. In this system, traditional hard balancing against hegemon is not possible. The soft balancing was posed for compellation of traditional balancing theory and is non –militarized type of balancing after cold war, especially after Iraq war. In this era, unlike past, the great powers couldn’t hindered U.S. In current condition the soft balancing means conciseness coordination of diplomatic action against U.S intention. Meanwhile the international organizations viewed as peaceful means for balancing against U.S by other countries. The main question of this article is that, what is the role of I.O in past cold war power balancing theory? The hypothesis is that regional and global I.O have especial position in power balancing (soft) in post-cold war.The methodology of this artickle is documentary and descriptive that use from historical facts and instant to verifing hypothesis. In the view of the some scholars, post-cold war international structure is uni/multilateral that United States is hegemon. In this system, traditional hard balancing against hegemon is not possible. The soft balancing was posed for compellation of traditional balancing theory and is non –militarized type of balancing after cold war, especially after Iraq war. In this era, unlike past, the great powers couldn’t hindered U.S. In current condition the soft balancing means conciseness coordination of diplomatic action against U.S intention. Meanwhile the international organizations viewed as peaceful means for balancing against U.S by other countries. The main question of this article is that, what is the role of I.O in past cold war power balancing theory? The hypothesis is that regional and global I.O have especial position in power balancing (soft) in post-cold war.The methodology of this artickle is documentary and descriptive that use from historical facts and instant to verifing hypothesis.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_163680_4c15f53d64590afc0f75f56fecf4997e.pdf