The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 11 22 The impact of Migration Securitization on the Approach of the European Union in Providing Development Aid The impact of Migration Securitization on the Approach of the European Union in Providing Development Aid 7 33 183744 10.22034/irr.2023.385182.2351 FA Ali Sabbaghian Assistant Professor, Department of Regional Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. 0000-0002-4857-7496 Rajdeep Singh Department of Regional Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran 0000-0003-1218-134X Journal Article 2023 02 08 The European Union is the largest donor of development aid in the world by providing about the half of global development aid by its members. Meanwhile, the biggest recipients are mostly found among the neighbors of the European Union. The main question of this research is: What role does the securitization of immigration play in European Union's development aid? The main hypothesis states the European Union's development aid has shifted its function from the poverty alleviation to the migration control due to the securitization of immigration. In this research, the qualitative method and statistical analysis with the documentary method as the method of collecting data are used within the theoretical framework of Buzan and Weaver’s securitization theory. The results of this research indicate that development aid has become a tool of the European Union's foreign policies in line with the migration securitization discourse, and the quality and quantity of the aid are both affected by the security concerns of the EU members. In fact, the migration securitization discourse has moved from the national to the supranational level in the European Union, and due to the amendments made in the Lisbon Treaty for the sake of a common security and foreign policy under the management of the European External Action Service and budgeting the development aid, development policy has been undermined and hollowed out by diverting its focus from poverty alleviation to migration crisis management. The European Union is the largest donor of development aid in the world by providing about the half of global development aid by its members. Meanwhile, the biggest recipients are mostly found among the neighbors of the European Union. The main question of this research is: What role does the securitization of immigration play in European Union's development aid? The main hypothesis states the European Union's development aid has shifted its function from the poverty alleviation to the migration control due to the securitization of immigration. In this research, the qualitative method and statistical analysis with the documentary method as the method of collecting data are used within the theoretical framework of Buzan and Weaver’s securitization theory. The results of this research indicate that development aid has become a tool of the European Union's foreign policies in line with the migration securitization discourse, and the quality and quantity of the aid are both affected by the security concerns of the EU members. In fact, the migration securitization discourse has moved from the national to the supranational level in the European Union, and due to the amendments made in the Lisbon Treaty for the sake of a common security and foreign policy under the management of the European External Action Service and budgeting the development aid, development policy has been undermined and hollowed out by diverting its focus from poverty alleviation to migration crisis management.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_183744_447b7936c379aa0b23396f0245a00b7d.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 11 22 The foreign policy approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Ukraine war; Achievements and challenges The foreign policy approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Ukraine war; Achievements and challenges 35 63 188204 10.22034/irr.2023.417135.2446 FA Farshad Roomi Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Shahid Chamran University of Ahvaz, Ahvaz, Iran 0000-0002-5849-2373 Mohsen Aleghafur Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Shahid Chamran University of Ahvaz, Ahvaz, Iran Journal Article 2023 11 08 With the collapse of the bipolar system and the intensification of America's hostility against Iran, the orientation towards the East in foreign policy became Iran's strategic priority. In the meantime, facing threats from the West and wishing to form a multipolar world, Iran has abandoned its historical rivalry with Russia and has recently expressed positions beyond the "Looking East" approach in the Ukraine war. This article tries to answer these questions: Under the influence of what components has Iran's foreign policy been formed in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine? To what extent is it in line with Iran's national goals and long-term interests? In response, it can be said that Iran interprets Russia's invasion as the beginning of a transformation in the international system with the emergence of new blocs and alliances, which gives Tehran the opportunity to get out of isolation and become an actor in the world arena. For the Islamic Republic, the all-out support of Moscow in the Ukraine war is part of a single strategy for participation and use of the emerging international order. By measuring the opportunities and threats of the Ukraine crisis, this article recommends that Iran, by adopting a cautious approach in supporting Russia, avoids provoking Western governments and keeps the country away from being exposed to wider sanctions and pressures. The article examines Iran's foreign policy in the Ukraine war with a qualitative approach and within the framework of neoclassical realism theory. With the collapse of the bipolar system and the intensification of America's hostility against Iran, the orientation towards the East in foreign policy became Iran's strategic priority. In the meantime, facing threats from the West and wishing to form a multipolar world, Iran has abandoned its historical rivalry with Russia and has recently expressed positions beyond the "Looking East" approach in the Ukraine war. This article tries to answer these questions: Under the influence of what components has Iran's foreign policy been formed in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine? To what extent is it in line with Iran's national goals and long-term interests? In response, it can be said that Iran interprets Russia's invasion as the beginning of a transformation in the international system with the emergence of new blocs and alliances, which gives Tehran the opportunity to get out of isolation and become an actor in the world arena. For the Islamic Republic, the all-out support of Moscow in the Ukraine war is part of a single strategy for participation and use of the emerging international order. By measuring the opportunities and threats of the Ukraine crisis, this article recommends that Iran, by adopting a cautious approach in supporting Russia, avoids provoking Western governments and keeps the country away from being exposed to wider sanctions and pressures. The article examines Iran's foreign policy in the Ukraine war with a qualitative approach and within the framework of neoclassical realism theory.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_188204_8cc9789ac69976eb1c772a1940d78460.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 11 22 Analyzing the dimensions of the war between Russia and Ukraine from the viewpoint of offensive realism Analyzing the dimensions of the war between Russia and Ukraine from the viewpoint of offensive realism 65 92 188245 10.22034/irr.2024.408182.2417 FA Seyed Amir Niakoee Associate Professor, Political Science Department, Gilan University, Rasht, Iran. 0000-0001-8865-8824 Amir Roham Shojaee PhD student of International Relations, Political Science Department, Gilan University, Rasht, Iran. 0009-0001-8788-2522 Journal Article 2023 07 22 Europe witnessed the largest military conflict since World War II when Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022. Examining the internal events and divisions of this country on the one hand, as well as examining the changes in Ukraine in the interactions between Russia and America and the European Union countries, on the other hand, can be useful in explaining the and military confrontation between Russia and Ukraine. In this article, using the components of the aggressive realism theory, the contexts and factors of Russia's military intervention in Ukraine, as well as the role of other effective powers, namely the United States and the European Union, in the formation of this crisis and its continuation will be investigated. The main question is, what role did each of the effective actors play in the formation of the Ukraine crisis and its continuation? The hypothesis of the research is that the expansion of NATO to the east over several decades and the lack of balance in relations with the East and the West by the authorities of Kiev, as well as Russia's attempt to increase its share of global power and regain its former power in order to become a hegemon. Europe has provided the grounds for the formation of the crisis. The continuation of this crisis was also due to the adoption of American policies in line with the erosion of Russia and Europe. Europe witnessed the largest military conflict since World War II when Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022. Examining the internal events and divisions of this country on the one hand, as well as examining the changes in Ukraine in the interactions between Russia and America and the European Union countries, on the other hand, can be useful in explaining the and military confrontation between Russia and Ukraine. In this article, using the components of the aggressive realism theory, the contexts and factors of Russia's military intervention in Ukraine, as well as the role of other effective powers, namely the United States and the European Union, in the formation of this crisis and its continuation will be investigated. The main question is, what role did each of the effective actors play in the formation of the Ukraine crisis and its continuation? The hypothesis of the research is that the expansion of NATO to the east over several decades and the lack of balance in relations with the East and the West by the authorities of Kiev, as well as Russia's attempt to increase its share of global power and regain its former power in order to become a hegemon. Europe has provided the grounds for the formation of the crisis. The continuation of this crisis was also due to the adoption of American policies in line with the erosion of Russia and Europe.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_188245_055aba15d9b453bfc3c8974348670416.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 11 22 Nuclear negotiations of the United States and North Korea; an ontological security approach Nuclear negotiations of the United States and North Korea; an ontological security approach 93 129 188206 10.22034/irr.2023.401950.2396 FA ُSeyed Mohsen Emadi University of Kharazmi Arsalan Ghorbani Sheikh Neshin Professor of International Relations, Khwarazmi University, Tehran, Iran Seyed Ali Monavari Member of the Faculty of International Relations University of Khorezm 0000-0002-5725-2255 Journal Article 2023 06 12 The friendship emerged between the leaders of the United States and North Korea in 2018, leading to three direct meetings between Donald Trump and Kim Jong Un, strengthened the possibility of ending the North Korean nuclear crisis. However, these meetings did not prevent North Korea from continuing its nuclear and missile programs, and negotiations with the U.S ended without results. Exploiting the ontological security perspective, the purpose of this research is to explore the reasons for the continuation of North Korea's nuclear programs despite those summitry meetings and provision of political and financial incentives to North Korea to end its nuclear and missile activities. The research, utilizing an analytical-explanatory method, tried to explain the failure of nuclear negotiations between North Korea and the United States during Trump's Presidency (2018-2020) from the ontological security approach. The research assumes that the effort to maintain the biographical narrative of the leaders of North Korea based on Juche ideology and the rigid attachment to competitive and hostile routines with the United States explain the continuation of North Korea's nuclear weapons programs and the failure of North Korea-US nuclear negotiations during Trump's Presidency. Any disturbance in this routine would have resulted in a break from the biographical narrative and caused anxiety and uncertainty and as a result ontological insecurity. The friendship emerged between the leaders of the United States and North Korea in 2018, leading to three direct meetings between Donald Trump and Kim Jong Un, strengthened the possibility of ending the North Korean nuclear crisis. However, these meetings did not prevent North Korea from continuing its nuclear and missile programs, and negotiations with the U.S ended without results. Exploiting the ontological security perspective, the purpose of this research is to explore the reasons for the continuation of North Korea's nuclear programs despite those summitry meetings and provision of political and financial incentives to North Korea to end its nuclear and missile activities. The research, utilizing an analytical-explanatory method, tried to explain the failure of nuclear negotiations between North Korea and the United States during Trump's Presidency (2018-2020) from the ontological security approach. The research assumes that the effort to maintain the biographical narrative of the leaders of North Korea based on Juche ideology and the rigid attachment to competitive and hostile routines with the United States explain the continuation of North Korea's nuclear weapons programs and the failure of North Korea-US nuclear negotiations during Trump's Presidency. Any disturbance in this routine would have resulted in a break from the biographical narrative and caused anxiety and uncertainty and as a result ontological insecurity.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_188206_276e8525741e1a59867aadb9ed94b314.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 11 22 America in Transformation: Domestic Trends and Turns in Foreign Policy America in Transformation: Domestic Trends and Turns in Foreign Policy 131 157 188209 10.22034/irr.2023.188209 FA Ali Nematpour School of Politics and International Relations, Florida International University 0000-0002-6139-2648 Arash Reisinezhad Tehran University Journal Article 2024 01 22 The unexpected victory of Trump in November 2016 had a significant impact on the regional and international momentum generated by JCPOA. The JCPOA presented an opportunity for cooperation between Iran and the US-West in the West Asian region, particularly in combating ISIS. However, the US withdrawal from the JCPOA under the Trump administration severely undermined its credibility and reliability. Moreover, this decision resulted in the imposition of severe sanctions on Iran, which found support among some regional countries. Escalating tensions, such as the downing of an American drone by Iranian forces, further heightened the intensity and scope of these conflicts. As the likelihood of Trump's participation in the upcoming US presidential campaign grows and the increasing presence of conservative extremists in the construction of American power, it becomes imperative for Iran to understand his potential strategies. Anticipating and devising a sophisticated response will be crucial. This research explores the foundations and approaches of the American strategy toward Iran during Trump's presidency. It seeks to unveil the strategies chosen by President Trump in dealing with Iran and their implications. Employing a process-tracing approach and relying on analytical descriptions, along with data collected from library sources and the internet, this study sheds light on America's intricate goals and strategies, offering suggestions for effectively engaging with and sustaining them. The unexpected victory of Trump in November 2016 had a significant impact on the regional and international momentum generated by JCPOA. The JCPOA presented an opportunity for cooperation between Iran and the US-West in the West Asian region, particularly in combating ISIS. However, the US withdrawal from the JCPOA under the Trump administration severely undermined its credibility and reliability. Moreover, this decision resulted in the imposition of severe sanctions on Iran, which found support among some regional countries. Escalating tensions, such as the downing of an American drone by Iranian forces, further heightened the intensity and scope of these conflicts. As the likelihood of Trump's participation in the upcoming US presidential campaign grows and the increasing presence of conservative extremists in the construction of American power, it becomes imperative for Iran to understand his potential strategies. Anticipating and devising a sophisticated response will be crucial. This research explores the foundations and approaches of the American strategy toward Iran during Trump's presidency. It seeks to unveil the strategies chosen by President Trump in dealing with Iran and their implications. Employing a process-tracing approach and relying on analytical descriptions, along with data collected from library sources and the internet, this study sheds light on America's intricate goals and strategies, offering suggestions for effectively engaging with and sustaining them.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_188209_98ebd8df2e11ff62fe5c26e69cab2d7c.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 11 22 The discursive conflict between Islamism and Marxism in the Islamic Revolution The discursive conflict between Islamism and Marxism in the Islamic Revolution 159 185 183742 10.22034/irr.2023.410991.2432 FA Hamid Yousefian Ahari PhD student in Political Science, Department of Political Science, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran. Abbas Moradi Assistant Professor, Political Science Department, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran. Malek Zolqadr Assistant Professor, Political Science Department, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran. 0000-0003-0211-6376 Journal Article 2023 08 10 This article has resorted to the theory of discourse analysis and used its epistemological foundations and conceptual tools in order to respond to the superiority of Islamism in confronting the discourse of Marxism in the process of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. From this point of view, Islamism is considered as a semantic system that was able to marginalize it by using the fluid concepts and signs of Marxism discourse such as social justice and struggle against imperialism and become the superior and undisputed discourse of the revolution. Although the discourse of Marxism did not succeed in stabilizing its semantic system and was marginalized in the process leading to the Islamic Revolution of Iran; But he was able to introduce concepts and vocabulary into Iran's political literature and discursive space that did not have a place in the Arabs before. Concepts such as fighting against imperialism, fighting against capitalism, supporting the rights of the lower classes, revolutionism, armed struggle, social justice and anti-monarchy were the most important concepts that this discourse inherited and made permanent in the political-social atmosphere of Iran. This article has resorted to the theory of discourse analysis and used its epistemological foundations and conceptual tools in order to respond to the superiority of Islamism in confronting the discourse of Marxism in the process of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. From this point of view, Islamism is considered as a semantic system that was able to marginalize it by using the fluid concepts and signs of Marxism discourse such as social justice and struggle against imperialism and become the superior and undisputed discourse of the revolution. Although the discourse of Marxism did not succeed in stabilizing its semantic system and was marginalized in the process leading to the Islamic Revolution of Iran; But he was able to introduce concepts and vocabulary into Iran's political literature and discursive space that did not have a place in the Arabs before. Concepts such as fighting against imperialism, fighting against capitalism, supporting the rights of the lower classes, revolutionism, armed struggle, social justice and anti-monarchy were the most important concepts that this discourse inherited and made permanent in the political-social atmosphere of Iran.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_183742_a7dc0c26d8e8472592f116885adc64d4.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 11 22 Assessment and policy suggestions of cyberspace in the Islamic Republic of Iran Assessment and policy suggestions of cyberspace in the Islamic Republic of Iran 187 217 188207 10.22034/irr.2024.399693.2386 FA Ali Asghar Dehghani PhD in International Relations, Shahid Beheshti University Housin PourAhmadi Mibodi Professor martyr Beheshti University 0000-0002-8210-529X Mojtaba Naseri ATU Journal Article 2023 05 29 While the classical view (in the form of Realism and its branches) considered power limited to objective fields, the emergence of new technologies, including Information and Communication Technology, has enabled both the creation of power through knowledge and the generation of wealth through cyberspace and has opened a new arena for everyone. Today, the importance of cyberspace is so great that it has affected strategic interactions at international system and has transformed the political economy system of the world. Increasing the depth of the role of the cyber agent has made countries face security risks. Therefore, in order to achieve national power, the countries have formulated their macro-policies in the cyber field with a strategic view and are trying to extract benefits of this new field and simultaneously, face its security problems correctly. The main question of the research is, “what kind of policy and structuring will maximize the exploitation of the cyber space”? Research studies show that fully exploiting the potential of cyberspace is a special form of acting that has not been successful in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The theoretical framework of the research is the political economy approach and the research has used the descriptive-analytical method to achieve its goals. Data collection is through library, internet and documentary studies and process analysis will be done theoretically. While the classical view (in the form of Realism and its branches) considered power limited to objective fields, the emergence of new technologies, including Information and Communication Technology, has enabled both the creation of power through knowledge and the generation of wealth through cyberspace and has opened a new arena for everyone. Today, the importance of cyberspace is so great that it has affected strategic interactions at international system and has transformed the political economy system of the world. Increasing the depth of the role of the cyber agent has made countries face security risks. Therefore, in order to achieve national power, the countries have formulated their macro-policies in the cyber field with a strategic view and are trying to extract benefits of this new field and simultaneously, face its security problems correctly. The main question of the research is, “what kind of policy and structuring will maximize the exploitation of the cyber space”? Research studies show that fully exploiting the potential of cyberspace is a special form of acting that has not been successful in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The theoretical framework of the research is the political economy approach and the research has used the descriptive-analytical method to achieve its goals. Data collection is through library, internet and documentary studies and process analysis will be done theoretically.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_188207_a876d27ec31aab2f3b76d0438fe65c60.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 11 22 The Presence of Israel in the Persian Gulf and its Effect on the Political-Security Equations of the Region The Presence of Israel in the Persian Gulf and its Effect on the Political-Security Equations of the Region 219 248 188208 10.22034/irr.2024.385050.2350 FA Milad Lotfi PhD Student of Regional Studies at Allameh Tabatabie University Morteza Noormohammadi lecturer professor of A.T.T.UNI. In .IR 0000-0002-2196-4402 Journal Article 2023 02 07 Abraham Accords by facilitating the normalization of relations between Israel, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain paved the way for Israel's presence in the strategic region of the Persian Gulf. One of the reasons for Israel's presence in the Persian Gulf is the common perception of Iran's threat by Israel and the countries of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council. Therefore, Israel's presence in the Persian Gulf has a security-political reason. Israel and other allied actors in the Persian Gulf are looking for a response to the common security concern. Therefore, in this paper, we are looking to analyze the issue of Israel's presence in the Persian Gulf and its impact on the security equations of the Persian Gulf from an analytical perspective. For this purpose, in the course of this article, we will seek to answer the question of how Israel's presence in the Persian Gulf affects the political-security equations of this region. According to the above question, the authors using the descriptive-analytical method have reached the hypothesis that "Israel's presence in the Persian Gulf and its leadership alliance with the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain can lead to instability and militarization of the Persian Gulf region, changing the political-security position of the participating actors in cooperation with Israel and intensify domestic and regional security competition in Persian Gulf." Abraham Accords by facilitating the normalization of relations between Israel, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain paved the way for Israel's presence in the strategic region of the Persian Gulf. One of the reasons for Israel's presence in the Persian Gulf is the common perception of Iran's threat by Israel and the countries of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council. Therefore, Israel's presence in the Persian Gulf has a security-political reason. Israel and other allied actors in the Persian Gulf are looking for a response to the common security concern. Therefore, in this paper, we are looking to analyze the issue of Israel's presence in the Persian Gulf and its impact on the security equations of the Persian Gulf from an analytical perspective. For this purpose, in the course of this article, we will seek to answer the question of how Israel's presence in the Persian Gulf affects the political-security equations of this region. According to the above question, the authors using the descriptive-analytical method have reached the hypothesis that "Israel's presence in the Persian Gulf and its leadership alliance with the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain can lead to instability and militarization of the Persian Gulf region, changing the political-security position of the participating actors in cooperation with Israel and intensify domestic and regional security competition in Persian Gulf."

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_188208_382b6ea07658ff33c6a5b154f9c4c83b.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 11 22 A comparative study of the foreign policy of Türkiye and Saudi Arabia in response to the unrest in Iraq (2011-2022) A comparative study of the foreign policy of Türkiye and Saudi Arabia in response to the unrest in Iraq (2011-2022) 249 280 191395 10.22034/irr.2024.437757.2500 FA ُSa,mirasol Maktofalrekabi PhD student of International Relations, , Isfahan Branch (Khorasgan), Islamic Azad University, Isfahan, Iran. Mohamad Torabi Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Qom Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qom, Iran Mohamadhasan Alimohamad Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Kufa, Kufa, Iraq Bashir Esmaeili Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Shahreza Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shahreza, Iran Journal Article 2024 01 26 After the fall of Saddam and the removal of the Baath party from the political structure of Iraq, the created vacuum provided the ground for regional competition, and the regional powers have sought to manage the political dynamics of Iraq in line with their strategic interests. The Arab Spring and its expansion led to an increase in regional rivalries in Iraq. In this regard, the two important regional powers that played a key role in the political developments of Iraq, along with the Islamic Republic of Iran, were Turkey and Saudi Arabia. In fact, regional developments provided the basis for increasing the influence of these two actors in Iraq. In this regard, considering the importance of the subject of this research, it seeks to answer this central question with a comprehensive approach; Turkey and Saudi Arabia after the Arab unrest and its spread to Iraq, what policy have they had towards the political developments in Iraq? The research findings are based on this; The spread of unrest in Iraq led to the creation of opportunities for two regional actors, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, by targeting target communities in Iraq in order to increase political influence in Iraqi equations in competition with the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method in this descriptive-analytical research is based on qualitative method and data collection method from library and internet sources. After the fall of Saddam and the removal of the Baath party from the political structure of Iraq, the created vacuum provided the ground for regional competition, and the regional powers have sought to manage the political dynamics of Iraq in line with their strategic interests. The Arab Spring and its expansion led to an increase in regional rivalries in Iraq. In this regard, the two important regional powers that played a key role in the political developments of Iraq, along with the Islamic Republic of Iran, were Turkey and Saudi Arabia. In fact, regional developments provided the basis for increasing the influence of these two actors in Iraq. In this regard, considering the importance of the subject of this research, it seeks to answer this central question with a comprehensive approach; Turkey and Saudi Arabia after the Arab unrest and its spread to Iraq, what policy have they had towards the political developments in Iraq? The research findings are based on this; The spread of unrest in Iraq led to the creation of opportunities for two regional actors, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, by targeting target communities in Iraq in order to increase political influence in Iraqi equations in competition with the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method in this descriptive-analytical research is based on qualitative method and data collection method from library and internet sources.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_191395_2c26d942c81140c717afc38667c134c2.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 11 22 Explaining the role and beliefs of Mohammad Ali Foroughi in domestic and foreign policy during the prime ministership Explaining the role and beliefs of Mohammad Ali Foroughi in domestic and foreign policy during the prime ministership 281 309 196051 10.22034/irr.2023.406713.2412 FA Arash Jaberi PhD student, Department of History, Shebester Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shebester, Iran Masomeh Gharadaghi Assistant Professor, Department of History, Shabester Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shabester, Iran 0000-0001-8321-4562 Aziz Taleei Gharah Gheshlagh Assistant Professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Urmia University, Urmia, Iran. Manocher Samadivand Assistant Professor, Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Sciences, Tabriz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tabriz, Iran. Journal Article 2023 07 12 Mohammad Ali Foroughi was a realistic Wadibi philosopher who played an important role in consolidating the foundations of Reza Shah's monarchy and legitimizing his dictatorial rule. Due to his scientific ability, politeness and politeness, he went through the ranks very quickly and in the shortest period of time, he became the head of the National Assembly and the head of the Supreme Court, and became a minister in several cabinets and became the first head of Reza Shah's vice-ministers and the first prime minister of Mohammad Reza Shah. Foroughi, with the cooperation of other Freemason elements, initiated the establishment of the National Artifacts Association, which included the reconstruction of the Iranian Shia poet Ferdowsi's tomb in the style and context of Koresh's tomb. He was also the one who tried to prepare a fake genealogy for Reza Shah. Foroughi's major role in the contemporary history of Iran actually begins on the third of Shahrivar 1320 AH. In this situation, Reza Shah made him prime minister again because no one was familiar with the language of diplomacy like Foroughi. Foroughi did several important things in this responsibility. The removal of Reza Shah, who in this way gave freedom to public opinion, the release of political convicts, and the restoration of dignity to those who were excluded during the Pahlavi period. Also, concluding a tripartite alliance agreement with the Allies, preparing the preparations for Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's inauguration were among his actions during this period. Mohammad Ali Foroughi was a realistic Wadibi philosopher who played an important role in consolidating the foundations of Reza Shah's monarchy and legitimizing his dictatorial rule. Due to his scientific ability, politeness and politeness, he went through the ranks very quickly and in the shortest period of time, he became the head of the National Assembly and the head of the Supreme Court, and became a minister in several cabinets and became the first head of Reza Shah's vice-ministers and the first prime minister of Mohammad Reza Shah. Foroughi, with the cooperation of other Freemason elements, initiated the establishment of the National Artifacts Association, which included the reconstruction of the Iranian Shia poet Ferdowsi's tomb in the style and context of Koresh's tomb. He was also the one who tried to prepare a fake genealogy for Reza Shah. Foroughi's major role in the contemporary history of Iran actually begins on the third of Shahrivar 1320 AH. In this situation, Reza Shah made him prime minister again because no one was familiar with the language of diplomacy like Foroughi. Foroughi did several important things in this responsibility. The removal of Reza Shah, who in this way gave freedom to public opinion, the release of political convicts, and the restoration of dignity to those who were excluded during the Pahlavi period. Also, concluding a tripartite alliance agreement with the Allies, preparing the preparations for Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's inauguration were among his actions during this period.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_196051_df5ae8769673f3b39badd83de3a1294b.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 11 22 Gender discrimination against women in the employment system of the Republic of Iraq with a view to the international standards of non-discrimination Gender discrimination against women in the employment system of the Republic of Iraq with a view to the international standards of non-discrimination 311 333 200224 10.22034/irr.2024.465946.2563 FA Dashti Sedigh Mohammad PhD student, Department of Public Law, Research Sciences Unit, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran 0009-0000-8332-4614 Haneh Farkish Department of Law, Sanandaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Sanandaj, Iran Arkan Sharifi Department of Law, Sanandaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Sanandaj, Iran. Journal Article 2024 07 03 Women's employment rights and elimination of discrimination against them are among the issues that have been considered in international human rights documents and in the domestic laws of countries. Article 6 (Chapter II) of the Iraqi Constitution deals with the equality of women with men in employment matters and obligates the government to work towards guaranteeing women's right to work. Although the Iraqi legal system has entered into the discussion of women's employment rights at two levels (constitutional law and ordinary law), in practice it has not been very successful in guaranteeing women's employment rights. Therefore, the main question of this research is what are the special employment rights of women in the subject law of the Republic of Iraq? The results of the research show that the laws of Iraq (Constitution and Labor Law of Iraq) have given special importance to the work of women and their rights in front of employers. These rights include legal guarantees, judicial guarantees and positive discrimination, but they are not in line with international standards, and despite the ratification of several international treaties that demand gender equality from Iraq, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), women still They face various forms of discrimination in the workforce and show significant contradictions between Iraq's legal framework and international human rights standards that exacerbate gender inequalities in employment. Women's employment rights and elimination of discrimination against them are among the issues that have been considered in international human rights documents and in the domestic laws of countries. Article 6 (Chapter II) of the Iraqi Constitution deals with the equality of women with men in employment matters and obligates the government to work towards guaranteeing women's right to work. Although the Iraqi legal system has entered into the discussion of women's employment rights at two levels (constitutional law and ordinary law), in practice it has not been very successful in guaranteeing women's employment rights. Therefore, the main question of this research is what are the special employment rights of women in the subject law of the Republic of Iraq? The results of the research show that the laws of Iraq (Constitution and Labor Law of Iraq) have given special importance to the work of women and their rights in front of employers. These rights include legal guarantees, judicial guarantees and positive discrimination, but they are not in line with international standards, and despite the ratification of several international treaties that demand gender equality from Iraq, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), women still They face various forms of discrimination in the workforce and show significant contradictions between Iraq's legal framework and international human rights standards that exacerbate gender inequalities in employment.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_200224_b3bedf4f41b0480c2143a2b0229d95b2.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 11 22 Application of artificial intelligence technology in military weapons from the perspective of humanitarian rights Application of artificial intelligence technology in military weapons from the perspective of humanitarian rights 335 353 203530 10.22034/irr.2024.454619.2539 FA Sara Khorshidi Aghdam Mehrabani PhD student, Department of Law, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran Afshin Zargar Assistant Professor of International Relations, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran. Amir Mahmodi Assistant Professor, Department of International Law, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran. Zainab Esmati Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran Journal Article 2024 04 28 Recently, the construction and use of completely independent systems with artificial intelligence has been done autonomously in practice, and in the near future they will be used on a wide scale, and these systems will have the ability to select and identify their targets completely automatically. and to carry out their mission without control and involvement of human agents. The prospect of the development of these systems has caused concerns among experts and experts in this field, and their fear is that these systems will not be able to harmonize with international legal standards. This research tries to examine the legal status of autonomous weapons in the light of the principles of humanitarian rights, to show that despite the belief of some robotics scientists, artificial intelligence will never be able to respect the principles of humanitarian rights, and without a doubt, if complete independence is given to this Weapons and the complete removal of humans from the decision-making chain, international law will once again face serious and new challenges. One of the questions that comes to mind is that if one of these systems commits a war crime or violates humanitarian rights, which person or persons will be responsible for it, and what is the role of international institutions in resolving the resulting disputes. In this field, international law is facing difficulties Recently, the construction and use of completely independent systems with artificial intelligence has been done autonomously in practice, and in the near future they will be used on a wide scale, and these systems will have the ability to select and identify their targets completely automatically. and to carry out their mission without control and involvement of human agents. The prospect of the development of these systems has caused concerns among experts and experts in this field, and their fear is that these systems will not be able to harmonize with international legal standards. This research tries to examine the legal status of autonomous weapons in the light of the principles of humanitarian rights, to show that despite the belief of some robotics scientists, artificial intelligence will never be able to respect the principles of humanitarian rights, and without a doubt, if complete independence is given to this Weapons and the complete removal of humans from the decision-making chain, international law will once again face serious and new challenges. One of the questions that comes to mind is that if one of these systems commits a war crime or violates humanitarian rights, which person or persons will be responsible for it, and what is the role of international institutions in resolving the resulting disputes. In this field, international law is facing difficulties

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_203530_f4dff4af4ff9a1ea34fc6aa1254a5dc6.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 11 22 Political risks of companies in foreign trade and the responsibility of company managers in connection with it Political risks of companies in foreign trade and the responsibility of company managers in connection with it 355 379 205658 10.22034/irr.2024.442294.2506 FA Jaber Dehghani Ghanat Ghostani Ph.D. student, Department of Private Law, Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran, Iran. Mohamad Reza Pasban Professor of Private Law Department, Allameh Tabataba'i University,, Tehran, Iran. Journal Article 2024 02 07 Due to the extent of human communication with each other, businessmen are forced to conduct their transactions at the international level. Since the level of advancement of technology and natural resources is not the same in all countries, the necessity of trading in the global arena has become more apparent in the present era. Considering that it is between two or more countries with different political and legal systems, international trade has many complications and, accordingly, there are many commercial risks. These risks in the field of trade are referred to as "global trade risk". These risks are caused by several factors. International political disputes, unilateral or multilateral sanctions, war and infectious diseases and many other cases are among the risks of global trade. Commercial companies are the main actors of international trade, and the managers are the decision makers of this group. Managers, on the one hand, are forced to accept these risks because business profits are derived from international transactions, and on the other hand, considering the consequences of these risks and the possibility of company losses, they become cautious people. However, due to the fact that global trade risks act in some cases as the authority of Cairo, and no matter how much the managers perform their duties within the framework of their duties and with good faith, it is still possible that commercial risks have a negative effect on the company's profitability. Due to the extent of human communication with each other, businessmen are forced to conduct their transactions at the international level. Since the level of advancement of technology and natural resources is not the same in all countries, the necessity of trading in the global arena has become more apparent in the present era. Considering that it is between two or more countries with different political and legal systems, international trade has many complications and, accordingly, there are many commercial risks. These risks in the field of trade are referred to as "global trade risk". These risks are caused by several factors. International political disputes, unilateral or multilateral sanctions, war and infectious diseases and many other cases are among the risks of global trade. Commercial companies are the main actors of international trade, and the managers are the decision makers of this group. Managers, on the one hand, are forced to accept these risks because business profits are derived from international transactions, and on the other hand, considering the consequences of these risks and the possibility of company losses, they become cautious people. However, due to the fact that global trade risks act in some cases as the authority of Cairo, and no matter how much the managers perform their duties within the framework of their duties and with good faith, it is still possible that commercial risks have a negative effect on the company's profitability.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_205658_53ec59f31b124f68287f412d257d0332.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 13 3 2023 12 21 The effectiveness of universal human fundamental rights and the challenges of rationality in the light of globalization The effectiveness of universal human fundamental rights and the challenges of rationality in the light of globalization 381 403 208449 10.22034/irr.2024.480695.2605 FA Roya Atavazo PhD student, Department of Law, Kermanshah Branch, Islamic Azad University, Kermanshah, Iran 0009-0007-6571-6762 Farid Azadbakht Assistant Professor, Department of International Law, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Kermanshah Branch, Islamic Azad University, Kermanshah, Iran Faramara Amgadin Assistant Professor, Department of International Law, Faculty of Law and Political Sciences, Kermanshah Branch, Islamic Azad University, Kermanshah, Iran 0000-0002-7347-5432 Journal Article 2023 09 15 In today's world, one of the most important features of the international system is the global protection of human rights, which has a direct and important effect on the dignity and credibility of governments with other international actors. The research results show that methodological limitations can provide new insights into human rights that are useful in complying with human rights treaties and documents. Of course, the complex nature of human rights and the cooperation of governments in this regard also give double importance to these issues. The international human rights system, the idealism of the international law system, more than any field, manifested itself in human rights. In this article, the effects of globalization on the concept of fundamental human rights are focused, and the challenges and opportunities arising from it in order to develop the efficiency and rationality of fundamental universal human rights have been examined and analyzed. Fundamental human rights are among the rights that are more prominent, inviolable, and inviolable compared to other human rights rules, and failure to comply with them causes the international responsibility of all governments. The research method in this article is descriptive and analytical, and the data is from Collected through library resources. In today's world, one of the most important features of the international system is the global protection of human rights, which has a direct and important effect on the dignity and credibility of governments with other international actors. The research results show that methodological limitations can provide new insights into human rights that are useful in complying with human rights treaties and documents. Of course, the complex nature of human rights and the cooperation of governments in this regard also give double importance to these issues. The international human rights system, the idealism of the international law system, more than any field, manifested itself in human rights. In this article, the effects of globalization on the concept of fundamental human rights are focused, and the challenges and opportunities arising from it in order to develop the efficiency and rationality of fundamental universal human rights have been examined and analyzed. Fundamental human rights are among the rights that are more prominent, inviolable, and inviolable compared to other human rights rules, and failure to comply with them causes the international responsibility of all governments. The research method in this article is descriptive and analytical, and the data is from Collected through library resources.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_208449_10fc39ee5a93cb8adf1f1aea8cf6b98a.pdf