The Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220240922Analyzing the Impact of Shinto Religion on Japan's Foreign Policy from the Perspective of ConstructivismAnalyzing the Impact of Shinto Religion on Japan's Foreign Policy from the Perspective of Constructivism72620391810.22034/irr.2024.443971.2509FAMohammadSoltani RenaniDoctoral student of Political Thoughts, University of IsfahanHamidNassajAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of IsfahanJournal Article20240214Japan's foreign policy is influenced by various factors. History, geography, political and economic interests are among the factors influencing Japan's foreign policy. In the meantime, the factor of religion has played a prominent role in the formation of Japan's relations with other players in the international arena. As a powerful religion throughout Japan's history, Shinto has influenced the country's foreign policy. Indeed, how has this religion been able to play a prominent role in Japan's foreign equations? It seems that concepts such as the divinity of the emperor, emphasis on patriotism and national identity were very prominent and emphasized in this ritual before World War II. The change in Japan's approach after World War II coincides with the depoliticization of this religion and emphasis on pacifist concepts, including the spirit of tolerance, preservation and protection of the environment, and emphasis on the pure nature of man. With a constructivist view, this religion has somehow sought a peaceful reflection in the acceptance of another. The acceptance of change of approach and companionship with the United States of America after World War II is an example of the truth of this matter. The current research, using the descriptive-analytical method and using internet and library resources and using the framework of constructivist theory, seeks to answer how Japan's foreign policy is formulated under the influence of the said ritual.Japan's foreign policy is influenced by various factors. History, geography, political and economic interests are among the factors influencing Japan's foreign policy. In the meantime, the factor of religion has played a prominent role in the formation of Japan's relations with other players in the international arena. As a powerful religion throughout Japan's history, Shinto has influenced the country's foreign policy. Indeed, how has this religion been able to play a prominent role in Japan's foreign equations? It seems that concepts such as the divinity of the emperor, emphasis on patriotism and national identity were very prominent and emphasized in this ritual before World War II. The change in Japan's approach after World War II coincides with the depoliticization of this religion and emphasis on pacifist concepts, including the spirit of tolerance, preservation and protection of the environment, and emphasis on the pure nature of man. With a constructivist view, this religion has somehow sought a peaceful reflection in the acceptance of another. The acceptance of change of approach and companionship with the United States of America after World War II is an example of the truth of this matter. The current research, using the descriptive-analytical method and using internet and library resources and using the framework of constructivist theory, seeks to answer how Japan's foreign policy is formulated under the influence of the said ritual.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_203918_c1601c91cbcafa4d76f3d66dcf6df8e9.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220240922Removing the Interim Government and the Religious Nationalist Discourse in Iran after the Islamic Revelation from the Perspective of Pierre Bourdieu's Theory of Action.Removing the Interim Government and the Religious Nationalist Discourse in Iran after the Islamic Revelation from the Perspective of Pierre Bourdieu's Theory of Action.275620352710.22034/irr.2024.468208.2567FAMohammadBahramiPhD student in Political Sociology, Razi University, Kermanshah, IranGhodratAhmadianAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science, Razi University, Kermanshah, IranJalilKarimiAssociate Professor, Department of Sociology, Razi University, Kermanshah, Iran.Journal Article20240717Abstract<br />After the victory of the Islamic revolution and with the formation of the interim government by Engineer Mehdi Bazargan, the gap, and difference between the revolutionary forces increased, which resulted in the resignation of Engineer Bazargan and going to the sideline and finally the removal of the national-religious movement and discourse from the political sphere of Iran. The space and field of politics in Iran in those years mainly based on impulsive actions and behaviors. The characteristics of this can be seen in the politics of exclusion, polarization, transformation, and internal communication action. <br />In the current research, by placing this type of action as a basis, which is based on emotion, violence, instant decisions, and far from foresight and rationality, we are trying to answer the question of which causes or factors are the factors behind the formation of impulsive behaviors and actions and ultimately the removal of the interim government, and the liberal Nationalist discourse from the political field in Iran? In this regard, using Pierre Bourdieu's theory of action, we consider the removal of the provisional government and the liberal nationalist discourse in the field of politics and power (the most important field from Pierre Bourdieu's point of view) after the revolution as the result of the interaction and dialectical relationship between the field and the habitus of the actors.Abstract<br />After the victory of the Islamic revolution and with the formation of the interim government by Engineer Mehdi Bazargan, the gap, and difference between the revolutionary forces increased, which resulted in the resignation of Engineer Bazargan and going to the sideline and finally the removal of the national-religious movement and discourse from the political sphere of Iran. The space and field of politics in Iran in those years mainly based on impulsive actions and behaviors. The characteristics of this can be seen in the politics of exclusion, polarization, transformation, and internal communication action. <br />In the current research, by placing this type of action as a basis, which is based on emotion, violence, instant decisions, and far from foresight and rationality, we are trying to answer the question of which causes or factors are the factors behind the formation of impulsive behaviors and actions and ultimately the removal of the interim government, and the liberal Nationalist discourse from the political field in Iran? In this regard, using Pierre Bourdieu's theory of action, we consider the removal of the provisional government and the liberal nationalist discourse in the field of politics and power (the most important field from Pierre Bourdieu's point of view) after the revolution as the result of the interaction and dialectical relationship between the field and the habitus of the actors.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_203527_b9cdcf680a36c681723622e4010851b8.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220240822Evaluating the impact of financial sanctions after the withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA on the economy and foreign exchange policies of the Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of IranEvaluating the impact of financial sanctions after the withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA on the economy and foreign exchange policies of the Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iran578620170510.22034/irr.2024.463607.2559FAMohammad SalehMohamadi TehraniPhD student, Department of Political Science, Public Policy, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.BahramSarmastCorresponding Author, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Payame Noor University,, Tehran, Iran.0000-0002-0756-0276ZohrehPostinchiAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science, International Relations, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20240618Currency policy is known as one of the most fundamental influencing factors in the economy of less developed countries, which is considered a key issue in the economy, and during this important issue, which is applied by the central bank, the type of policies adopted on trade flows, balance of payments and in general It is effective on the structure and level of production and consumption, employment and allocation of resources, etc. in an economy. On the other hand, this policy itself is a function of many domestic and international factors, and among the international factors, "the application of financial sanctions" is considered one of the fundamental challenges in the path of foreign exchange policy, especially for the country of Iran, sanctions as a political tool during The last few decades have been applied against Iran by the world powers, however, the greatest pressures and consequences caused by the sanctions after the withdrawal of the United States of America from the so-called JCPOA agreement can be projected in 2017. Therefore, in this article, the subject of "Evaluating the impact of financial sanctions after the withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA on the economy and foreign exchange policies of the Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iran" has been discussed. In this research, which was carried out by thematic analysis method, the results were obtained that the Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iran adopted and implemented inappropriate currency policies in the face of financial sanctionsCurrency policy is known as one of the most fundamental influencing factors in the economy of less developed countries, which is considered a key issue in the economy, and during this important issue, which is applied by the central bank, the type of policies adopted on trade flows, balance of payments and in general It is effective on the structure and level of production and consumption, employment and allocation of resources, etc. in an economy. On the other hand, this policy itself is a function of many domestic and international factors, and among the international factors, "the application of financial sanctions" is considered one of the fundamental challenges in the path of foreign exchange policy, especially for the country of Iran, sanctions as a political tool during The last few decades have been applied against Iran by the world powers, however, the greatest pressures and consequences caused by the sanctions after the withdrawal of the United States of America from the so-called JCPOA agreement can be projected in 2017. Therefore, in this article, the subject of "Evaluating the impact of financial sanctions after the withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA on the economy and foreign exchange policies of the Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iran" has been discussed. In this research, which was carried out by thematic analysis method, the results were obtained that the Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iran adopted and implemented inappropriate currency policies in the face of financial sanctionshttps://www.iisajournals.ir/article_201705_e1e5b84d6a4a71343b32526f1465c772.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220240922Piracy and ways to deal with it in the light of international rules and regimesPiracy and ways to deal with it in the light of international rules and regimes8710720756610.22034/irr.2024.477068.2596FAAfsanehShafaPhD student, Department of International Law, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran0000-0001-6225-9948ArminAminiCorresponding Author, Associate Professor of International Relations Department, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran0000-0002-6857-9077MehrdadNazemiAssistant Professor, Department of International Law, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, IranJournal Article20240905Freedom of navigation is so important that it has long been accepted and guaranteed not only in the open sea but also with restrictions in the form of harmless passage in the territorial sea and even in some cases in the internal waters of coastal states. Therefore, there are exceptions to the freedom of navigation in the open sea, the most important of which is piracy. (piracy or piracy) piracy is one of the oldest international crimes, for this reason, along with piracy, people are dragged into the depths of one of the oldest and at the same time the most continuous incidents of the seas. This crime is not only a matter of establishing security in It raises the seas, but also causes the application of universal jurisdiction over pirates.This competence can be seen both in the 1993 Geneva Convention on the High Seas and in the 1932 Convention on the Law of the Sea in the form of the cooperation of all governments to suppress piracy.Freedom of navigation is so important that it has long been accepted and guaranteed not only in the open sea but also with restrictions in the form of harmless passage in the territorial sea and even in some cases in the internal waters of coastal states. Therefore, there are exceptions to the freedom of navigation in the open sea, the most important of which is piracy. (piracy or piracy) piracy is one of the oldest international crimes, for this reason, along with piracy, people are dragged into the depths of one of the oldest and at the same time the most continuous incidents of the seas. This crime is not only a matter of establishing security in It raises the seas, but also causes the application of universal jurisdiction over pirates.This competence can be seen both in the 1993 Geneva Convention on the High Seas and in the 1932 Convention on the Law of the Sea in the form of the cooperation of all governments to suppress piracy.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_207566_d2261cda3aa2889e9adf78bc6dd9c0d3.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220240922The impact of technological dynamism on the competition between China and the United States in the era of the fourth industrial revolutionThe impact of technological dynamism on the competition between China and the United States in the era of the fourth industrial revolution10913420352610.22034/irr.2024.460615.2553FASeyyed AliMonavariAssociate Professor of International Relations, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran0000-0002-5725-2255NiloufarAhmadiGraduated of International Relations, Kharazmi University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20240606The relative power of the first-class countries in the world was never stable, and since the 18th century, the international system has undergone many profound developments and redistributions of power among developed states. This article aims to explain the evolution of new technologies and the conditions for changing the power curve of the international system and to disclose the nature of the technological competition between China and the United States of America in the era of the fourth industrial revolution, and to try to answer the question of how the acquisition of new technologies during industrial revolutions influenced the change in the power curve of states? In response to this question, it is assumed that technological developments have changed the power curve of the international system by creating unequal growth patterns caused by industrialization while accelerating economic development and strengthening the power of developing countries through deepening technological capacity. The method of this research is descriptive-explanatory, and its findings show that technological innovations are considered one of the most important parameters for measuring the degree of power, and since the main goal of states during industrial revolutions is to achieve the latest technology, are considered to strengthen the political and economic power and catch-up the rival powers, strengthening the technological capacity of China as the most important competitor of the United States will drastically endanger its leadership position in the arena of the international system.The relative power of the first-class countries in the world was never stable, and since the 18th century, the international system has undergone many profound developments and redistributions of power among developed states. This article aims to explain the evolution of new technologies and the conditions for changing the power curve of the international system and to disclose the nature of the technological competition between China and the United States of America in the era of the fourth industrial revolution, and to try to answer the question of how the acquisition of new technologies during industrial revolutions influenced the change in the power curve of states? In response to this question, it is assumed that technological developments have changed the power curve of the international system by creating unequal growth patterns caused by industrialization while accelerating economic development and strengthening the power of developing countries through deepening technological capacity. The method of this research is descriptive-explanatory, and its findings show that technological innovations are considered one of the most important parameters for measuring the degree of power, and since the main goal of states during industrial revolutions is to achieve the latest technology, are considered to strengthen the political and economic power and catch-up the rival powers, strengthening the technological capacity of China as the most important competitor of the United States will drastically endanger its leadership position in the arena of the international system.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_203526_f7bf8a58d8daa81abbd47e4ce0e8cbf3.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220240822Economic diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in post-ISIS Iraq and SyriaEconomic diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in post-ISIS Iraq and Syria13515020580510.22034/irr.2024.426338.2465FAMostafaEsmailiAssistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Supreme National Defense University Tehran,, Iran.0000-0002-3215-5256AmirAbbasi KhoshkarPhD student in International Relations, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20231121After the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the effort of the Islamic Republic of Iran to be among the powers of the West Asian region, the efforts in the framework of developing regional trade relations and gaining a share of the regional markets increased. Iraq and Syria, two export and consumption markets in the West Asian region, have always been the focus and economic goals of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The attack of ISIS and terrorist groups on these two countries caused a lot of costs on the governments and nations of these two political units. The high intensity of the damage that happened requires economic and construction resources and forces to help rebuild the damage while taking advantage of the opportunity to develop economic cooperation. In the present study, the authors seek to examine the issues and challenges of economic cooperation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq and Syria. The question of the current research is what were the reasons for the reduction of the geo-economic ties of the Islamic Republic of Iran with Iraq and Syria? In response to the above question, the following hypothesis is proposed: the weakness in providing the goods and services needed by Iraq and Syria in the post-ISIS era and the monetary restrictions and transportation of goods have caused the full exploitation of the trade capacities with Iraq and Syria. do not The research method is descriptive-explanatory and documentary method was used to collect sources.After the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the effort of the Islamic Republic of Iran to be among the powers of the West Asian region, the efforts in the framework of developing regional trade relations and gaining a share of the regional markets increased. Iraq and Syria, two export and consumption markets in the West Asian region, have always been the focus and economic goals of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The attack of ISIS and terrorist groups on these two countries caused a lot of costs on the governments and nations of these two political units. The high intensity of the damage that happened requires economic and construction resources and forces to help rebuild the damage while taking advantage of the opportunity to develop economic cooperation. In the present study, the authors seek to examine the issues and challenges of economic cooperation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq and Syria. The question of the current research is what were the reasons for the reduction of the geo-economic ties of the Islamic Republic of Iran with Iraq and Syria? In response to the above question, the following hypothesis is proposed: the weakness in providing the goods and services needed by Iraq and Syria in the post-ISIS era and the monetary restrictions and transportation of goods have caused the full exploitation of the trade capacities with Iraq and Syria. do not The research method is descriptive-explanatory and documentary method was used to collect sources.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_205805_57414d20c0224ef9ed05cfa236ddb05b.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220240822The American Administration’s Approach to the Right to Self-Determination and Transition to Democracy in Tunisia and Bahrain(2010-2011)
the Right to Self-Determination and Transition to Democracy in Tunisia and Bahrain(2010-2011)The American Administration’s Approach to the Right to Self-Determination and Transition to Democracy in Tunisia and Bahrain(2010-2011)
the Right to Self-Determination and Transition to Democracy in Tunisia and Bahrain(2010-2011)15117620873210.22034/irr.2024.473368.2583FARezaDehbanipoorAssistant Professor of political science at Yasouj University, Yasouj, Iran.AhmadEtemadAssistant Professor, Department of Law, Payam Noor University, Tehran, IranJaberGhasemiAssistant Professor, Department of Law, Payam Noor University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20240814<br />Studies on the relationship of American foreign policy to human rights and the democratic developments of nations show contradictory evidence. In this context, many literature promote the idea that the American government is a supporter of human rights and democracy. Political developments in the Middle East in the 2010s have been a good and difficult field to test this relationship to know what the US government's approach to the right to self determination and transition to democracy in political developments in Tunisia and Bahrain in the 2010s was like The results of the study show that the behavior of the US government in this field is not the same and based on democratic values, but is placed in a specific spectrum according to the level of interests of the US government: where the relationship of the US government with the ruling political system is good, the behavior of the US government varies with the level of its interests and the depth of the revolution. As American policy in the process of revolution in Tunisia was ambiguous and ambiguous, as soon as the defeat of the established political system emerged, the song of support for democratic values was played. It should be noted that recent research has used descriptive - analytical methods and library collection methods.<br /><br /><br />Studies on the relationship of American foreign policy to human rights and the democratic developments of nations show contradictory evidence. In this context, many literature promote the idea that the American government is a supporter of human rights and democracy. Political developments in the Middle East in the 2010s have been a good and difficult field to test this relationship to know what the US government's approach to the right to self determination and transition to democracy in political developments in Tunisia and Bahrain in the 2010s was like The results of the study show that the behavior of the US government in this field is not the same and based on democratic values, but is placed in a specific spectrum according to the level of interests of the US government: where the relationship of the US government with the ruling political system is good, the behavior of the US government varies with the level of its interests and the depth of the revolution. As American policy in the process of revolution in Tunisia was ambiguous and ambiguous, as soon as the defeat of the established political system emerged, the song of support for democratic values was played. It should be noted that recent research has used descriptive - analytical methods and library collection methods.<br /><br />https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_208732_329801fd07fb784e2ff5bdf904697ab6.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220240822International legal Criticism of the Verdict Issued in the Case of Marla Bennett regarding the Violation of the Immunity of Iranian Property in CanadaInternational legal Criticism of the Verdict Issued in the Case of Marla Bennett regarding the Violation of the Immunity of Iranian Property in Canada17719720873110.22034/irr.2024.208731FAZahraFallah Fard, MA in International Law, Department of Law, Chalus Branch, Islamic Azad University, Chalus, Iran.Syed MortezaMirjoodPh.D. International Law, Department of Law, Payam Noor University, Tehran, Iran..Journal Article20241030In 2019, the Supreme Court of Ontario, Canada recognized and implemented the decision of the US appeals courts in this regard, according to the amendment of the 2012 Canadian Immunity Act and the Mutual Recognition of Judicial Opinions Act between the US and Canada. The document published by this court on August 7, 2019, emphasizes that the proceeds of two properties belonging to Iran, which were sold for an approximate value of 28.3 million Canadian dollars (21.3 million US dollars), should be presented to the heirs of Marla Bennett; Bennett was an American citizen who was killed in a 2002 Hamas bombing of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. This action of the Canadian court, which was based on the Justice for Victims of Terrorism Act 2012 and the instructions on the lists of states that support terrorism, has put the question before international lawyers whether the violation of the immunity of the Iranian government's property in Canada is based on the principles of law. International, has a legal status? The result of the current research is that the main argument of the Canadian courts regarding the violation of the immunity of the state property of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this country is that the Lebanese Hamas and Hezbollah groups are terrorists, and any support for them is considered to be support for terrorist groups. This is despite the fact that the procedure of the Canadian government in describing governments or groups as sponsors of terrorism is discriminatory, and it has accepted the effective control criterion as an international criterion, and most importantly, in none of the documents The United Nations, Hamas and Hezbollah groups in Lebanon have not been considered as terrorist groups, therefore, the exception of terrorism cannot be cited in violating the immunity of the Iranian government's property.In 2019, the Supreme Court of Ontario, Canada recognized and implemented the decision of the US appeals courts in this regard, according to the amendment of the 2012 Canadian Immunity Act and the Mutual Recognition of Judicial Opinions Act between the US and Canada. The document published by this court on August 7, 2019, emphasizes that the proceeds of two properties belonging to Iran, which were sold for an approximate value of 28.3 million Canadian dollars (21.3 million US dollars), should be presented to the heirs of Marla Bennett; Bennett was an American citizen who was killed in a 2002 Hamas bombing of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. This action of the Canadian court, which was based on the Justice for Victims of Terrorism Act 2012 and the instructions on the lists of states that support terrorism, has put the question before international lawyers whether the violation of the immunity of the Iranian government's property in Canada is based on the principles of law. International, has a legal status? The result of the current research is that the main argument of the Canadian courts regarding the violation of the immunity of the state property of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this country is that the Lebanese Hamas and Hezbollah groups are terrorists, and any support for them is considered to be support for terrorist groups. This is despite the fact that the procedure of the Canadian government in describing governments or groups as sponsors of terrorism is discriminatory, and it has accepted the effective control criterion as an international criterion, and most importantly, in none of the documents The United Nations, Hamas and Hezbollah groups in Lebanon have not been considered as terrorist groups, therefore, the exception of terrorism cannot be cited in violating the immunity of the Iranian government's property.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_208731_72699b777e76651be328746629c0ff0d.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220240822The impact of US policy on Iraq-Iran relations (1958-1963)The impact of US policy on Iraq-Iran relations (1958-1963)19922121994410.22034/irr.2025.512861.2682FABorhanMohammad FarajPhD student in the History of Iran After Islam, Department of History, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranKaivanShafeiAssistant Professor, Department of History, Sa.C, Islamic Azad University, Sanandaj, Iran0000-0001-6225-9948Seeyd MohammadShikhahmadiAssistant Professor, Department of History, Sa.C, Islamic Azad University, Sanandaj, IranJournal Article20250317Political relations between Iran and Iraq throughout the 20th century—particularly during the period from 1958 to 1963—were deeply influenced by border disputes, ideological rivalry, and regional geopolitical shifts. Within this context, the United States, recognizing the strategic importance of the Middle East, played a significant role in shaping bilateral ties between the two countries to safeguard its economic and security interests. This study, employing a descriptive-analytical approach and relying on archival sources and historical documents, examines the impact of U.S. foreign policy on Iran-Iraq relations in the aftermath of the Iraqi monarchy’s collapse. The findings suggest that American policy during this period was primarily aimed at containing Soviet influence, ensuring access to energy resources, and maintaining the stability of pro-Western regimes. The U.S. adopted a pragmatic and interest-driven stance toward the Iran-Iraq conflict and intervened directly only when regional power balances or its broader strategic interests were at stakePolitical relations between Iran and Iraq throughout the 20th century—particularly during the period from 1958 to 1963—were deeply influenced by border disputes, ideological rivalry, and regional geopolitical shifts. Within this context, the United States, recognizing the strategic importance of the Middle East, played a significant role in shaping bilateral ties between the two countries to safeguard its economic and security interests. This study, employing a descriptive-analytical approach and relying on archival sources and historical documents, examines the impact of U.S. foreign policy on Iran-Iraq relations in the aftermath of the Iraqi monarchy’s collapse. The findings suggest that American policy during this period was primarily aimed at containing Soviet influence, ensuring access to energy resources, and maintaining the stability of pro-Western regimes. The U.S. adopted a pragmatic and interest-driven stance toward the Iran-Iraq conflict and intervened directly only when regional power balances or its broader strategic interests were at stakehttps://www.iisajournals.ir/article_219944_d279eac1680810313c23d5058f7fbe08.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220250128Investigation of the relations between Russia and Israel based on Rosenau theory(2011-2024)Investigation of the relations between Russia and Israel based on Rosenau theory(2011-2024)22324921433610.22034/irr.2024.214336FARuhollahMonemCorresponding Author, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Guilan, Rasht, Iran.Journal ArticleRussian-Israeli relations have been on an upward trend since 2011, and these two actors have become strategic economic, political, and security partners. However, the two issues of the Russia-Ukraine war in 2022 and the Israeli war against Gaza in 2023 have led to a cooling of relations between the two sides. This article examines Russian-Israeli relations in 2011-2024 within the framework of James Rosena's Continuity Model and obtains the most important variables affecting these relations in this period. The findings show that the increase in Russian-Israeli relations during this period was affected by individual, role, and international variables. The close relations between Netanyahu and Putin, along with the dominant role of the president and prime minister on both sides, and the conditions of the international environment, including cooperation in the Syrian crisis, have expanded these relations. On the other hand, after 2022, the environmental variable of the Russia-Ukraine war and Russia's support for Palestine in the October 7, 2023 war has been the dominant component of relations. This article studies this issue using a descriptive-analytical method as well as library and internet sources.Russian-Israeli relations have been on an upward trend since 2011, and these two actors have become strategic economic, political, and security partners. However, the two issues of the Russia-Ukraine war in 2022 and the Israeli war against Gaza in 2023 have led to a cooling of relations between the two sides. This article examines Russian-Israeli relations in 2011-2024 within the framework of James Rosena's Continuity Model and obtains the most important variables affecting these relations in this period. The findings show that the increase in Russian-Israeli relations during this period was affected by individual, role, and international variables. The close relations between Netanyahu and Putin, along with the dominant role of the president and prime minister on both sides, and the conditions of the international environment, including cooperation in the Syrian crisis, have expanded these relations. On the other hand, after 2022, the environmental variable of the Russia-Ukraine war and Russia's support for Palestine in the October 7, 2023 war has been the dominant component of relations. This article studies this issue using a descriptive-analytical method as well as library and internet sources.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_214336_47089e404cbc5943ff34dd626689f6bc.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220240822The most important obstacles and challenges related to supporting domestic and foreign investment in IranThe most important obstacles and challenges related to supporting domestic and foreign investment in Iran25127322414810.22034/irr.2025.516879.2691FAAmir HoseinNazariPhD student, Law Department, Yazd Branch, Islamic Azad University, Yazd, Iran.IrajHoseini SadrabadiAssistant Professor, Law Department, Faculty of Judicial Sciences, Yazd, Iran.Mohammad HoseinJafariAssistant Professor, Law Department, Yazd Branch, Islamic Azad University, Yazd, Iran.Journal Article20250414Supporting domestic and foreign investment in Iran is of great importance for several reasons, but at the same time it faces many challenges and obstacles. To attract and support domestic and foreign investment, Iran needs serious reforms in economic, political and social aspects. Improving the necessary framework and removing legal and bureaucratic obstacles can help increase investment density and economic growth. But first of all, it is necessary to identify the existing challenges and obstacles and examine and research them from different perspectives. Therefore, this article addresses the issue of "". In this article, which was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and using library resources and texts, the following results were obtained: domestic and foreign investment requires the presence of necessary requirements and the absence of obstacles. The legal obstacles and prohibitions that were selected and examined as the subject of this article have played a significant role in Iran's failure to attract and support investment. The pathology analysis carried out indicates that various legal and non-legal obstacles and challenges are conceivable in this regard. This article addresses three of the most important of these challenges. Of course, it should be kept in mind that it is not possible to enumerate all the challenges in different dimensions in one article, and certainly more challenges and obstacles are conceivable in this field.Supporting domestic and foreign investment in Iran is of great importance for several reasons, but at the same time it faces many challenges and obstacles. To attract and support domestic and foreign investment, Iran needs serious reforms in economic, political and social aspects. Improving the necessary framework and removing legal and bureaucratic obstacles can help increase investment density and economic growth. But first of all, it is necessary to identify the existing challenges and obstacles and examine and research them from different perspectives. Therefore, this article addresses the issue of "". In this article, which was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and using library resources and texts, the following results were obtained: domestic and foreign investment requires the presence of necessary requirements and the absence of obstacles. The legal obstacles and prohibitions that were selected and examined as the subject of this article have played a significant role in Iran's failure to attract and support investment. The pathology analysis carried out indicates that various legal and non-legal obstacles and challenges are conceivable in this regard. This article addresses three of the most important of these challenges. Of course, it should be kept in mind that it is not possible to enumerate all the challenges in different dimensions in one article, and certainly more challenges and obstacles are conceivable in this field.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_224148_d2c138403e09bc1a6ff22c9932ee2ba7.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220240822The dimensions of the impact of Shiee resistance discourse on Salafi groups in West AsiaThe dimensions of the impact of Shiee resistance discourse on Salafi groups in West Asia27529718374310.22034/irr.2023.408551.2419FAAliHajieePhD student, Department of Political Science, Khorramabad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Khorramabad, Iran.AliGhasemiyanAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Khorramabad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Khorramabad, IranAliFalahnejhadAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Khorramabad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Khorramabad, Iran.Journal Article20230724The political Salafists are a group that after the reforming actions of the neo-Salafists and following the special conditions of the Middle East region; were created and used different methods to gain power, which, in conflict with the discourse of Islamic resistance, created a special security environment for West Asian countries. What is the relationship between the roots of political Salafism in the Middle East and the discourse of Islamic resistance? which this article seeks to answer with a descriptive-analytical approach and with the application of practical considerations and in the form of the Copenhagen theoretical framework. The findings of the research show that the impact of political development and the discourse of Shiite resistance created a special security environment in West Asia, and Salafism and its dimensions and types have been a kind of security response for countries and political currents. As a result of the development of the Shiite resistance discourse in Iraq, South Lebanon and Yemen, it has caused the reproduction of various currents of Salafism, which, in conflict with this discourse, has not yet been able to become a coherent development and create a dominant discourse, and has expanded dimensions of the security environment for West Asia.The political Salafists are a group that after the reforming actions of the neo-Salafists and following the special conditions of the Middle East region; were created and used different methods to gain power, which, in conflict with the discourse of Islamic resistance, created a special security environment for West Asian countries. What is the relationship between the roots of political Salafism in the Middle East and the discourse of Islamic resistance? which this article seeks to answer with a descriptive-analytical approach and with the application of practical considerations and in the form of the Copenhagen theoretical framework. The findings of the research show that the impact of political development and the discourse of Shiite resistance created a special security environment in West Asia, and Salafism and its dimensions and types have been a kind of security response for countries and political currents. As a result of the development of the Shiite resistance discourse in Iraq, South Lebanon and Yemen, it has caused the reproduction of various currents of Salafism, which, in conflict with this discourse, has not yet been able to become a coherent development and create a dominant discourse, and has expanded dimensions of the security environment for West Asia.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_183743_2cf400d7f98eaf0cee50257fbd396564.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220240822Mechanisms and measures to ensure workers' health rights in the political economy of the Islamic Republic of IranMechanisms and measures to ensure workers' health rights in the political economy of the Islamic Republic of Iran29931122459210.22034/irr.2025.527959.2711FATayebehSaeidiMaster of International Law, South Tehran Azad UniversityNaderMirzadeh KohshahiAssociate Professor, Department of Public Law, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of TehranJournal Article20250602The right to health of workers is one of the important examples of the right to health that has been identified in international standards of human rights and the International Labor Organization pays special attention to it. In Iran's legal system, what standards, mechanisms and measures have been foreseen and thought out to realize the right to health of workers is an important issue that this article has addressed. The research method of this article is non-causal, qualitative and with a legal approach. The method of collecting information is library and documents, and related sources have been used in websites, databases and specialized databases. Iran has tried to take the necessary measures to realize the right to health of workers in line with relevant international standards. In this regard, Iran's legislator has considered significant standards and mechanisms in the labor law and other related laws to realize the workers' right to health. The standards related to safety, health and social security are among its obvious examples. Iran's labor law has provided many standards, mechanisms and measures to realize the workers' right to health. At the same time, some factors such as the economic conditions of the society, inflation and serious problems that workers face in order to enjoy some other rights such as the right to housing, indirectly endanger the workers' right to health.The right to health of workers is one of the important examples of the right to health that has been identified in international standards of human rights and the International Labor Organization pays special attention to it. In Iran's legal system, what standards, mechanisms and measures have been foreseen and thought out to realize the right to health of workers is an important issue that this article has addressed. The research method of this article is non-causal, qualitative and with a legal approach. The method of collecting information is library and documents, and related sources have been used in websites, databases and specialized databases. Iran has tried to take the necessary measures to realize the right to health of workers in line with relevant international standards. In this regard, Iran's legislator has considered significant standards and mechanisms in the labor law and other related laws to realize the workers' right to health. The standards related to safety, health and social security are among its obvious examples. Iran's labor law has provided many standards, mechanisms and measures to realize the workers' right to health. At the same time, some factors such as the economic conditions of the society, inflation and serious problems that workers face in order to enjoy some other rights such as the right to housing, indirectly endanger the workers' right to health.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_224592_9ec87ae6fea907e9af1c884724fc79ff.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414220240822The Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the Look East Policy of the Islamic Republic of IranThe Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the Look East Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran31333722674410.22034/irr.2025.536871.2735FAAmir MohsenBakhshaish ArdestaniPhD Student, Department of International Relations, North Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.NozarShafieeCorresponding Author, Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. Visiting Professor, Department of International Relations, North Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran0000-0002-7255-0373HoosseinDaheshiarProfessor, Department of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabaei University, Tehran. Iran. Visiting Professor, Department of International Relations, North Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran0009-0003-3998-7463Journal Article20250724With the evolution of security threats and the growing complexity of the geopolitical landscape in the Eurasian , the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has emerged as a prominent security-oriented mechanism in the grand strategies of both regional and extra-regional powers. The accession of the Islamic Republic of Iran to this organization, amid the transformations in the international order and in alignment with the "Look to the East" strategy, offers the potential for a conceptual and functional redefinition of Iran’s national security through engagement with multilateral regional arrangements.This study, employing a descriptive-analytical method and adopting a constructivist approach within the framework of international relations theories, examines the impact of Iran’s membership in the SCO on various dimensions of national security—namely hard security, soft security, and human security. The research seeks to answer the central question: What impact does the Islamic Republic of Iran’s membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have on strengthening the components of its national security?The findings suggest that Iran’s inclusion in the SCO can significantly contribute to enhancing strategic depth, confronting transnational threats, reducing Western hegemonic pressures, and facilitating the formation of a multilateral regional security order. Nevertheless, the structural limitations of the organization, geopolitical rivalries among key member states, and ambiguity in operational mechanisms constitute major challenges to the full realization of its security potential for Iran. Ultimately, a comprehensive analysis of Iran's position within the SCO requires a deeper understanding of the interlinkages between foreign policy and national security in the context of an evolving global orderWith the evolution of security threats and the growing complexity of the geopolitical landscape in the Eurasian , the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has emerged as a prominent security-oriented mechanism in the grand strategies of both regional and extra-regional powers. The accession of the Islamic Republic of Iran to this organization, amid the transformations in the international order and in alignment with the "Look to the East" strategy, offers the potential for a conceptual and functional redefinition of Iran’s national security through engagement with multilateral regional arrangements.This study, employing a descriptive-analytical method and adopting a constructivist approach within the framework of international relations theories, examines the impact of Iran’s membership in the SCO on various dimensions of national security—namely hard security, soft security, and human security. The research seeks to answer the central question: What impact does the Islamic Republic of Iran’s membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have on strengthening the components of its national security?The findings suggest that Iran’s inclusion in the SCO can significantly contribute to enhancing strategic depth, confronting transnational threats, reducing Western hegemonic pressures, and facilitating the formation of a multilateral regional security order. Nevertheless, the structural limitations of the organization, geopolitical rivalries among key member states, and ambiguity in operational mechanisms constitute major challenges to the full realization of its security potential for Iran. Ultimately, a comprehensive analysis of Iran's position within the SCO requires a deeper understanding of the interlinkages between foreign policy and national security in the context of an evolving global orderhttps://www.iisajournals.ir/article_226744_e82d86130cd55c79d02a8122dcb0569e.pdf