The Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121The impact of the Ukraine war on the turn from geoeconomics to geopolitics in Iran-EU relationsThe impact of the Ukraine war on the turn from geoeconomics to geopolitics in Iran-EU relations72920390210.22034/irr.2024.441818.2504FAMohammad JavadSoltani GishiniLecturer of international relations, department of political science, shahid bahonar University, Kerman, IranNiknamArshadniaalumni of International Relations,, Isfahan University,, analyst of International RelationsJournal Article20240205Russia-Ukraine interaction in the last decade has been effective in Iran-EU relations. After America's withdrawal from the JCPOA, Russia was Iran's partner in reducing pressure on the international scene. The lack of support from Moscow leaves Tehran without an effective supporter against the West. Revival of the JCPOA is the cornerstone of Iran's relations with the European Union so that the US can be forced to return to the JCPOA. However, Iran's support for Russia has increased the tension in Iran's relations with this union. The article's main question is why Iran's military interactions with Russia in the Ukraine war have removed geo-economics from the EU's relations with Iran. The research hypothesizes that from the point of view of the European Union, Iran seeks to strengthen Russia's hegemonic position in Europe with its support of Russia. This article, using the documentary method and the use of library and internet resources, and using the theoretical model of decentralized globalism, concludes that between the possible economic gains resulting from this war (geoeconomics) and the long-term benefits of convergence with Russia (geopolitics), Iran inevitably chooses the second option. This choice makes the future of Tehran's relations with the European Union challenging.Russia-Ukraine interaction in the last decade has been effective in Iran-EU relations. After America's withdrawal from the JCPOA, Russia was Iran's partner in reducing pressure on the international scene. The lack of support from Moscow leaves Tehran without an effective supporter against the West. Revival of the JCPOA is the cornerstone of Iran's relations with the European Union so that the US can be forced to return to the JCPOA. However, Iran's support for Russia has increased the tension in Iran's relations with this union. The article's main question is why Iran's military interactions with Russia in the Ukraine war have removed geo-economics from the EU's relations with Iran. The research hypothesizes that from the point of view of the European Union, Iran seeks to strengthen Russia's hegemonic position in Europe with its support of Russia. This article, using the documentary method and the use of library and internet resources, and using the theoretical model of decentralized globalism, concludes that between the possible economic gains resulting from this war (geoeconomics) and the long-term benefits of convergence with Russia (geopolitics), Iran inevitably chooses the second option. This choice makes the future of Tehran's relations with the European Union challenging.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_203902_fed222a3019bf62e88d0794d2c5d5be7.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121Artificial Intelligence and Paradigm Shift in the Theory and Practice of International RelationsArtificial Intelligence and Paradigm Shift in the Theory and Practice of International Relations314920832210.22034/irr.2024.470632.2575FAMohammad RezaMajidiAssociate Professor, Regional Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranRahimBaizidiAssistant Professor in International Relations, Institute for Strategic Research, Tehran, Iran0000-0003-3330-0395Journal Article20240730Determined by the dynamic nature of international relations as well as the concern of peacemaking, the field of international relations has experienced many paradigmatic developments and discourse debates in the theoretical, methodological and epistemological fields. Liberalism can be considered as the first theoretical paradigm of international relations, which emerged under the influence of idealistic ideas in the post-World War I era which marginalized with the start of World War II. The second paradigm shift began with the rise of realism in the post-World War II era. During this period, power became the main keyword in international relations literature. The third paradigmatic shift in the theory of international relations occurred after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Although the third development can be considered as the most pluralistic theoretical period in the 100-year life of the field of international relations, in this period, the theories of neoliberalism and neuralism, in a relatively balanced way, have dominated the analytical and scientific field of this field. In the present era, new developments such as the emergence of Artificial Intelligence have the potential to affect the paradigm shift in the theory and practice of international relations. The hypothesis of the present study, using the theoretical framework of Thomas Kuhn's scientific revolutions, is based on the premise that artificial intelligence by empowering non-governmental actors such as holdings and large companies, has led to the further erosion of the sovereignty of states and can bring about the fourth paradigm shift in the field of international relations.Determined by the dynamic nature of international relations as well as the concern of peacemaking, the field of international relations has experienced many paradigmatic developments and discourse debates in the theoretical, methodological and epistemological fields. Liberalism can be considered as the first theoretical paradigm of international relations, which emerged under the influence of idealistic ideas in the post-World War I era which marginalized with the start of World War II. The second paradigm shift began with the rise of realism in the post-World War II era. During this period, power became the main keyword in international relations literature. The third paradigmatic shift in the theory of international relations occurred after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Although the third development can be considered as the most pluralistic theoretical period in the 100-year life of the field of international relations, in this period, the theories of neoliberalism and neuralism, in a relatively balanced way, have dominated the analytical and scientific field of this field. In the present era, new developments such as the emergence of Artificial Intelligence have the potential to affect the paradigm shift in the theory and practice of international relations. The hypothesis of the present study, using the theoretical framework of Thomas Kuhn's scientific revolutions, is based on the premise that artificial intelligence by empowering non-governmental actors such as holdings and large companies, has led to the further erosion of the sovereignty of states and can bring about the fourth paradigm shift in the field of international relations.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_208322_350fb3f06cf9aa07b712b7fbb4ae310b.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121Conflicting interests of Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus from a critical geopolitical perspective(2001-20222).Conflicting interests of Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus from a critical geopolitical perspective(2001-20222).517220803810.22034/irr.2024.480720.2607FALeilaShiraliPhD Student, Department of International Relations,, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran.FarzadNavidiniaCorresponding Author, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Andimeshk Branch, Islamic Azad University, Andimeshk,Iran.0000-0002-1540-2796ShivaJalalpoor, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran.0000-0002-7520-8098FeredounAkbarzadehAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University,, Ahvaz, Iran.Journal Article20240929<br /><br />In the last two decades, the South Caucasus has been the focus of the surrounding powers, including Iran and Türkiye, each of which follows and follows itself. The purpose of this article is to explain the conflict between Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus from a critical geopolitical point of view. The main question is, how is the conflict between Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus explained from a critical geopolitical point of view? The main hypothesis is that Iran and Türkiye are trying to realize themselves in power-oriented, spatial and identity structures, away from traditional geopolitics. The competing hypothesis is that the conflicts between the two countries in the South Caucasus are power-oriented in nature and are not influenced by geographical space and identity contexts. The findings show that there are two countries in the South Caucasus in the minds of the officials of the two countries in a cultural, civilizational, historical, geopolitical, communicative and balancing role. On the one hand, this is a conflict in the competition for regional supremacy. Iran considers Azeris living in Iran and the Caucasus to have the ideological potential and time to expand Ankara's influence in the region. Türkiye also expands the space of Shia in the Caucasus, especially Azerbaijan, to expand the space of Iran. Türkiye also considers Islamic-Shiite religious teachings to be an inseparable part of Iran's politics. While Iran perceives the expansionist role of the former Ottoman Empire, which Turkey considers to be its representative,<br /><br />In the last two decades, the South Caucasus has been the focus of the surrounding powers, including Iran and Türkiye, each of which follows and follows itself. The purpose of this article is to explain the conflict between Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus from a critical geopolitical point of view. The main question is, how is the conflict between Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus explained from a critical geopolitical point of view? The main hypothesis is that Iran and Türkiye are trying to realize themselves in power-oriented, spatial and identity structures, away from traditional geopolitics. The competing hypothesis is that the conflicts between the two countries in the South Caucasus are power-oriented in nature and are not influenced by geographical space and identity contexts. The findings show that there are two countries in the South Caucasus in the minds of the officials of the two countries in a cultural, civilizational, historical, geopolitical, communicative and balancing role. On the one hand, this is a conflict in the competition for regional supremacy. Iran considers Azeris living in Iran and the Caucasus to have the ideological potential and time to expand Ankara's influence in the region. Türkiye also expands the space of Shia in the Caucasus, especially Azerbaijan, to expand the space of Iran. Türkiye also considers Islamic-Shiite religious teachings to be an inseparable part of Iran's politics. While Iran perceives the expansionist role of the former Ottoman Empire, which Turkey considers to be its representative,https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_208038_ccb29a06eb09a7a77b4e8d40e0f156c1.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121Policymaking of the Islamic Republic of Iran in securing the security of the South Caucasus with an emphasis on the Republic of AzerbaijanPolicymaking of the Islamic Republic of Iran in securing the security of the South Caucasus with an emphasis on the Republic of Azerbaijan739520283210.22034/irr.2024.434315.2491FAPaymanHoseini1. PhD student, Department of Political Science, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, IranAbbasMoradiAssistant Professor, Political Science Department, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran.MalekZolghadrAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Zanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zanjan, Iran.Journal Article20240106The aim is to examine the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in securing the security of the South Caucasus with an emphasis on the Republic of Azerbaijan. This research is a qualitative and phenomenological analysis. The statistical population consists of university professors and specialists of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Participants were selected and answered questions with exploratory interviews in a targeted and data saturated method. This study showed that the scientific, cultural, economic, social and geopolitical cooperation between the two countries has not been sufficiently prosperous and Iran's security policy is based on geopolitical and economic interests and considerations, based on extroverted balancing, active defense and interaction and presence. Effective and powerful and the security strategy is connected to each other. The Islamic Republic of Iran does not have sufficient environmental knowledge and analysis of the new conditions of the Republic of Azerbaijan, and due to the involvement of extra-regional countries, it does not have a suitable option for security policymaking, especially in the fields of energy (oil and gas) in the Republic of Azerbaijan, and the two countries are moving in opposite directions. They do not agree with each other in international relations, and they do not have military cooperation and agreements with each other. In the field of removing extra-regional forces, especially Israel from the South Caucasus region and the Republic of Azerbaijan, due to the support of the Islamic Republic of Iran to Armenia, our country has not achieved significant success.The aim is to examine the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in securing the security of the South Caucasus with an emphasis on the Republic of Azerbaijan. This research is a qualitative and phenomenological analysis. The statistical population consists of university professors and specialists of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Participants were selected and answered questions with exploratory interviews in a targeted and data saturated method. This study showed that the scientific, cultural, economic, social and geopolitical cooperation between the two countries has not been sufficiently prosperous and Iran's security policy is based on geopolitical and economic interests and considerations, based on extroverted balancing, active defense and interaction and presence. Effective and powerful and the security strategy is connected to each other. The Islamic Republic of Iran does not have sufficient environmental knowledge and analysis of the new conditions of the Republic of Azerbaijan, and due to the involvement of extra-regional countries, it does not have a suitable option for security policymaking, especially in the fields of energy (oil and gas) in the Republic of Azerbaijan, and the two countries are moving in opposite directions. They do not agree with each other in international relations, and they do not have military cooperation and agreements with each other. In the field of removing extra-regional forces, especially Israel from the South Caucasus region and the Republic of Azerbaijan, due to the support of the Islamic Republic of Iran to Armenia, our country has not achieved significant success.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_202832_bf821d12bcb99034360fbba2fae50df7.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121The role of international socialization in consolidating the model of collective security and stability of international securityThe role of international socialization in consolidating the model of collective security and stability of international security9712320831610.22034/irr.2024.435781.2497FAMohammad RezaBigdeliPhD in International Relations, School of Law, Theology and Political Science, Science and Research Unit, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran0000-0003-0994-9346Journal Article20240114Despite the existence of international institutions and legal mechanisms in the form of collective security,international security has always faced challenges and threats, mainly military,as one of the most important concerns of governments and international organizations.Meanwhile, with the emergence of the globalization process,new concepts such as international socialization It has been formed in the international relations literature that,as a new variable, has challenged the traditional studies of security from the perspective of rationalists.Therefore, the current research seeks to answer the question of how the expansion and increase in the level of international socialization among governments leads to stability.Will security become international?Using the theoretical and meta-theoretical approach of constructivism and in the form of an explanatory method, the upcoming research is based on the hypothesis that the expansion and increase in the level of international socialization among governments can stabilize the international security through the consolidation of the collective security mechanism. So that from the point of view of constructivism, international socialization is considered as a process that by internalizing international values and norms, and as a result, the formation of global common knowledge,norms and ideas and its transfer from one actor to another,ultimately leads to the construction of a collective identity.This leads to the promotion of the status of international norms and shared values as well as increasing the functioning of international institutions.So that during this process, with the realization of the security community,the stability of international security is achieved through the consolidation of the mechanism of the collective security model.Despite the existence of international institutions and legal mechanisms in the form of collective security,international security has always faced challenges and threats, mainly military,as one of the most important concerns of governments and international organizations.Meanwhile, with the emergence of the globalization process,new concepts such as international socialization It has been formed in the international relations literature that,as a new variable, has challenged the traditional studies of security from the perspective of rationalists.Therefore, the current research seeks to answer the question of how the expansion and increase in the level of international socialization among governments leads to stability.Will security become international?Using the theoretical and meta-theoretical approach of constructivism and in the form of an explanatory method, the upcoming research is based on the hypothesis that the expansion and increase in the level of international socialization among governments can stabilize the international security through the consolidation of the collective security mechanism. So that from the point of view of constructivism, international socialization is considered as a process that by internalizing international values and norms, and as a result, the formation of global common knowledge,norms and ideas and its transfer from one actor to another,ultimately leads to the construction of a collective identity.This leads to the promotion of the status of international norms and shared values as well as increasing the functioning of international institutions.So that during this process, with the realization of the security community,the stability of international security is achieved through the consolidation of the mechanism of the collective security model.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_208316_87c3db94639d65bebaad1d09db19b3f2.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121Iran's foreign policy towards Yemen crisis and its consequences on the security of Saudi ArabiaIran's foreign policy towards Yemen crisis and its consequences on the security of Saudi Arabia12515020831910.22034/irr.2024.208319FAEhsanKhademi BahabadiPhD Student of International Relations, Department of Political Science, Rafsanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Rafsanjan, IranAliBagheri ZadehMember of the Faculty of Political Science, Rafsanjan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Rafsanjan, IranJournal Article20241024With the formation of political developments inYemenregional and extraregional actors based on their interests and self-interests have adopted different orientationinrelation to this country, which has a special geopolitical and geostrategic importance in the MiddleEast, which tries to study the complexity of the country's situation, considering the positionThe strategic importance of Yemen and its importance for two regional rivals and the formation of intra-regional and international competition should answer the question of what effect Iran's role in the Yemen crisis has on the security of Saudi ArabiaThe research is based on the fact that Iran's foreign policy towards the crisis in Yemen is as a regional power against the former dependent system and the supporter of the people's movement to get rid of foreign domination and dependencies in this countryThe fall of the Saudi dependent system in Yemen and the role of the Shiitesand the revolutionariesrole in weakening Saudi Arabia and strengthening resistance and changing the balance of power to the detriment of this country and in favor of Iran to assert itself as the first power in the Middle EastWith the formation of political developments inYemenregional and extraregional actors based on their interests and self-interests have adopted different orientationinrelation to this country, which has a special geopolitical and geostrategic importance in the MiddleEast, which tries to study the complexity of the country's situation, considering the positionThe strategic importance of Yemen and its importance for two regional rivals and the formation of intra-regional and international competition should answer the question of what effect Iran's role in the Yemen crisis has on the security of Saudi ArabiaThe research is based on the fact that Iran's foreign policy towards the crisis in Yemen is as a regional power against the former dependent system and the supporter of the people's movement to get rid of foreign domination and dependencies in this countryThe fall of the Saudi dependent system in Yemen and the role of the Shiitesand the revolutionariesrole in weakening Saudi Arabia and strengthening resistance and changing the balance of power to the detriment of this country and in favor of Iran to assert itself as the first power in the Middle Easthttps://www.iisajournals.ir/article_208319_cae1c12303343a57eac8988ab6c76505.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121Analyzing the Subject of the Water Crisis Among Iran, Turkey and Iraq
from the Neorealism Perspective (2000-2023)Analyzing the Subject of the Water Crisis Among Iran, Turkey and Iraq
from the Neorealism Perspective (2000-2023)15117720832110.22034/irr.2024.430915.2479FAHadiAmoueiPhD student, International Relations Department, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranArsalanGhorbani SheikhneshinProfessor of the Department of International Relations, Kharazmi University, Tehran, IranDidoukhtSadeghi HaghighiAssistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.MohammadAliKhosraviAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20231216Access to water resources is necessary to preserve the ecosystem, biodiversity, food security and sustainable development. Therefore, with the water crisis, competition between governments will arise and cause a security problem, and since no one can be sure that others will sustainably use water resources, everyone will start doing water supply projects for themselves. Therefore, the water crisis leads to economic, social and security problems. The current research raises this question: "How can we analyze the impact of the water crisis on the relations between Iran, Turkey and Iraq in the years 2000-2023?". It is hypothesized that "Regardless of the downstream countries, Turkey is trying to make these countries depend on its policies in this field through hydro-hegemony and controlling the upstream water resources". On the other hand, Iran and Iraq will also try to manage the effects of the water crisis by cooperating and forming a balancing action. This research uses the Neorealism approach because, from this point of view, the relationships of research variables can be better analyzed. The current research uses a descriptive-analytical method and the research data has been provided by referring to library and internet sources and specialized publications. The findings of the research show that Turkey has become a hegemonic actor in the common basin with its water policies and has faced Iraq and Iran with serious environmental and security issues.Access to water resources is necessary to preserve the ecosystem, biodiversity, food security and sustainable development. Therefore, with the water crisis, competition between governments will arise and cause a security problem, and since no one can be sure that others will sustainably use water resources, everyone will start doing water supply projects for themselves. Therefore, the water crisis leads to economic, social and security problems. The current research raises this question: "How can we analyze the impact of the water crisis on the relations between Iran, Turkey and Iraq in the years 2000-2023?". It is hypothesized that "Regardless of the downstream countries, Turkey is trying to make these countries depend on its policies in this field through hydro-hegemony and controlling the upstream water resources". On the other hand, Iran and Iraq will also try to manage the effects of the water crisis by cooperating and forming a balancing action. This research uses the Neorealism approach because, from this point of view, the relationships of research variables can be better analyzed. The current research uses a descriptive-analytical method and the research data has been provided by referring to library and internet sources and specialized publications. The findings of the research show that Turkey has become a hegemonic actor in the common basin with its water policies and has faced Iraq and Iran with serious environmental and security issues.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_208321_acc36d1c177e684d8965363d95db8c04.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121New reading of international peace and security in the light of the fight against cyber terrorismNew reading of international peace and security in the light of the fight against cyber terrorism17920420269210.22034/irr.2024.463239.2557FAMohsenKhakzad ShahandashtiAssistant Professor, Department of Law, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Guilan University, Rasht, Iran0000-0002-9681-0512LeilaMirbodInstructor, Department of Law, Islamic Azad University, Rasht Branch, Guilan, Iran0000-0002-9681-0512Journal Article20240616Peace and security in the national and international dimensions had different meanings for states and the world community in successive periods, and due to this reason there are different approaches to them. With the arrival of new areas such as cyberspace and today artificial intelligence, these classic definitions have undergone changes. Terrorism is known as disrupting international order, peace and security. Considering the characteristics of the cyber space, cyber terrorism raises the need to recreate concepts such as digital security, regularizing the use of artificial intelligence technology, and most importantly, human security.<br /><br />This research was written using library documents and sources on descriptive-analytical method.<br /><br />Cyber threat is one of the most serious threats against national interests and international security. Due to the serious destruction of vital infrastructure, some countries have declared that they consider it as a military attack and will respond to it militarily. Cyber space and artificial intelligence have questioned all common and traditional understandings of the concept of national security. Therefore, these concepts need to be redefined in the light of international custom resulting from the decisions of organizations such as the United Nations and NATO.<br /><br />The technological opportunities created by cyberspace and artificial intelligence shape the future, but do not determine it. In order to manage the challenges ahead, states should put a national strategy on how to use the benefits of cyberspace and artificial intelligence while reducing its harmful effects by adopting measures based on international cooperation.Peace and security in the national and international dimensions had different meanings for states and the world community in successive periods, and due to this reason there are different approaches to them. With the arrival of new areas such as cyberspace and today artificial intelligence, these classic definitions have undergone changes. Terrorism is known as disrupting international order, peace and security. Considering the characteristics of the cyber space, cyber terrorism raises the need to recreate concepts such as digital security, regularizing the use of artificial intelligence technology, and most importantly, human security.<br /><br />This research was written using library documents and sources on descriptive-analytical method.<br /><br />Cyber threat is one of the most serious threats against national interests and international security. Due to the serious destruction of vital infrastructure, some countries have declared that they consider it as a military attack and will respond to it militarily. Cyber space and artificial intelligence have questioned all common and traditional understandings of the concept of national security. Therefore, these concepts need to be redefined in the light of international custom resulting from the decisions of organizations such as the United Nations and NATO.<br /><br />The technological opportunities created by cyberspace and artificial intelligence shape the future, but do not determine it. In order to manage the challenges ahead, states should put a national strategy on how to use the benefits of cyberspace and artificial intelligence while reducing its harmful effects by adopting measures based on international cooperation.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_202692_505c36b356580603160187fd74e95ccb.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121The Role of Emerging Technologies in the Evolution of the Global Political Economy; the Emergence of the Networked WorldThe Role of Emerging Technologies in the Evolution of the Global Political Economy; the Emergence of the Networked World20523521160410.22034/irr.2024.487081.2623FAHosseinSalimiProfessor of International Relations, Department of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabai University, Tehran, Iran0000-0002-9330-4606HemmatImaniPhD student, Department of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabai University, Tehran, Iran0009-0001-1449-414XJournal Article20241105The study aims to evaluate the role of emerging technologies over the global political economy developments. The authors' concerns is “what are the impact of the emerging technologies resulting from the Fourth Industrial Revolution, would have on the global political economy order, the flow of global power and wealth, the position of power, and the interests of its actors? The study hypothesis claims that the global political economy has undergone fundamental changes under the influence of the rapid development of emerging technologies at the beginning of the 21st century. It is seen that a gradually transition is going on from a state-centered to a network-centered order with the role of diverse Governmental and Non-governmental actors in which their interests feed regarding their level of participation in the networked world. In this regard, first, the evolution of technologies and their various fields mentioned, especially artificial intelligence. Then, the effects of these technologies studied on the global political economy governance system, competition between great powers, and the standardization of emerging technologies. Finally, the emergence of a global network economy and the transformation in the rules and institutions governing the global political economy has discussed. The methodology used for the research was descriptive-explanatory. Findings revealed that, influenced by the wave of emerging technologies, new resources and characteristics of "power" such as information, data, and networking capabilities have been added to traditional tools, and its concept is mutating.The study aims to evaluate the role of emerging technologies over the global political economy developments. The authors' concerns is “what are the impact of the emerging technologies resulting from the Fourth Industrial Revolution, would have on the global political economy order, the flow of global power and wealth, the position of power, and the interests of its actors? The study hypothesis claims that the global political economy has undergone fundamental changes under the influence of the rapid development of emerging technologies at the beginning of the 21st century. It is seen that a gradually transition is going on from a state-centered to a network-centered order with the role of diverse Governmental and Non-governmental actors in which their interests feed regarding their level of participation in the networked world. In this regard, first, the evolution of technologies and their various fields mentioned, especially artificial intelligence. Then, the effects of these technologies studied on the global political economy governance system, competition between great powers, and the standardization of emerging technologies. Finally, the emergence of a global network economy and the transformation in the rules and institutions governing the global political economy has discussed. The methodology used for the research was descriptive-explanatory. Findings revealed that, influenced by the wave of emerging technologies, new resources and characteristics of "power" such as information, data, and networking capabilities have been added to traditional tools, and its concept is mutating.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_211604_2c5b501bb3b6d0a8a5aaa1cef10d29a8.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121The Shift from Fossil Fuels to Renewable Energy and Its Impact on International OrderThe Shift from Fossil Fuels to Renewable Energy and Its Impact on International Order23726122140610.22034/irr.2025.507198.2670FAAlirezaJorjaniPhD student in International Relations, Shahrood Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shahrood, Iran.Amir HooshangMirkooshAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Shahrood Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shahrood, Iran.HoomanBahmanpourAssistant Professor, HSE Department, Faculty of Technology and Engineering, Shahrood Branch, Aza Islamic University, Shahrood, Iran.Journal Article20250217Throughout history, humans have continually sought to harness the natural energies around them for comfort and the advancement of their goals. They quickly learned how to use forces like fire, wind, and water, and later, with the invention of the steam engine and the discovery of fuels like oil, coal, and gasoline, a significant transformation in the energy cycle and the growth of industrialization occurred. Population growth, the creation of regional and global organizations, and the influence of human societies and governments on international systems led powerful countries to use energy as a tool to exert influence on the international order and maintain their power and security. However, the gradual depletion of fossil fuel reserves and the emergence of environmental problems led to a special focus on renewable energies, with increased investment in research, development, and production to harness these resources. Our goal in this research is to examine the positions of countries like China, Germany, and the United States in the field of renewable energies, utilizing the extended power cycle theory of Charles Doran to show the level of investment and policy-making of these countries regarding renewable energies and to highlight the necessity of changing the energy consumption pattern. Considering the aforementioned points, the question arises: What impact will the shift from fossil fuel consumption to renewable energies have on the future international order?Throughout history, humans have continually sought to harness the natural energies around them for comfort and the advancement of their goals. They quickly learned how to use forces like fire, wind, and water, and later, with the invention of the steam engine and the discovery of fuels like oil, coal, and gasoline, a significant transformation in the energy cycle and the growth of industrialization occurred. Population growth, the creation of regional and global organizations, and the influence of human societies and governments on international systems led powerful countries to use energy as a tool to exert influence on the international order and maintain their power and security. However, the gradual depletion of fossil fuel reserves and the emergence of environmental problems led to a special focus on renewable energies, with increased investment in research, development, and production to harness these resources. Our goal in this research is to examine the positions of countries like China, Germany, and the United States in the field of renewable energies, utilizing the extended power cycle theory of Charles Doran to show the level of investment and policy-making of these countries regarding renewable energies and to highlight the necessity of changing the energy consumption pattern. Considering the aforementioned points, the question arises: What impact will the shift from fossil fuel consumption to renewable energies have on the future international order?https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_221406_df3e21c30c8dffc919aa09021b57493c.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121Expanding China-Iraq Economic Relations in Light of Beijing's Energy Source Diversity PolicyExpanding China-Iraq Economic Relations in Light of Beijing's Energy Source Diversity Policy26328623041810.22034/irr.2025.543717.2758FAKarrar HeydarMojjad MashhadiPhD student in International Relations, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Isfahan (Khorasgan) Branch, Islamic Azad University, Isfahan, IranBashirEsmaeiliAssistant Professor in the Department of Political Science and International Relations, Shahreza Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shahreza, IranHayder FawziSadeq Al-GhaziAssistant Professor in the Department of Political Science, Political Systems and Public Policy, University of Karbala, Karbala, IraqMohammadrezaAghareb ParastAssistant Professor in the Department of Political Science and International Relations, Shahreza Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shahreza, Iran.Journal Article20250828China and Iraq have close economic and trade cooperation. China is Iraq's largest trading partner, and Iraq is China's third largest trading partner among Arab countries. China's aid, which is provided without political conditions, has facilitated numerous bilateral agreements and investments. In fact, in the complex framework of global politics, the relationship between China and Iraq has changed dramatically and has transformed from diplomatic relations to a deep economic relationship. In this regard, given the importance of the subject, this research seeks to answer the central question, what impact has Iraqi oil had on China-Iraq economic relations? The research findings show that, influenced by the importance of energy in Jin's economic structure as well as Iraq's position in the Belt and Road Initiative, China's economic relations with Iraq have grown significantly in the post-Saddam era. In addition, the understanding of Iraqi elites about China in the international system is important in deepening this process. The research method in this research is descriptive and analytical, based on the qualitative method and the data collection method is library and Internet sources.China and Iraq have close economic and trade cooperation. China is Iraq's largest trading partner, and Iraq is China's third largest trading partner among Arab countries. China's aid, which is provided without political conditions, has facilitated numerous bilateral agreements and investments. In fact, in the complex framework of global politics, the relationship between China and Iraq has changed dramatically and has transformed from diplomatic relations to a deep economic relationship. In this regard, given the importance of the subject, this research seeks to answer the central question, what impact has Iraqi oil had on China-Iraq economic relations? The research findings show that, influenced by the importance of energy in Jin's economic structure as well as Iraq's position in the Belt and Road Initiative, China's economic relations with Iraq have grown significantly in the post-Saddam era. In addition, the understanding of Iraqi elites about China in the international system is important in deepening this process. The research method in this research is descriptive and analytical, based on the qualitative method and the data collection method is library and Internet sources.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_230418_f4453bdd89ce71d193cd65a4c97ade08.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121The functions and discursive effects of parties in political institution-building with emphasis on Fairclough's discourse theory: A study of the Khatami and Ahmadinejad governmentsThe functions and discursive effects of parties in political institution-building with emphasis on Fairclough's discourse theory: A study of the Khatami and Ahmadinejad governments28731223320010.22034/irr.2025.551287.2779FAMohammad KarimDarabi1. PhD student, Department of Political Science - Political Sociology, Fars Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Fars, Iran
2. PhD student, Department of Political Science - Political Sociology, Shiraz Branch, Islamic Azad UniversitKeramat OllahRasekhAssociate Professor, Department of Sociology, Shiraz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shiraz, Iran0000-0001-9574-9679AlirezaBiabannavard SarvestaniAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Shiraz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shiraz, IranJournal Article20251005The role of political party discourses in political institutionalization is a key factor in Iran's political development. This study aims to examine the functions and impacts of the discourses of reformist and principlist parties on political institutionalization during the Khatami (1997-2005) and Ahmadinejad (2005-2013) administrations, with an emphasis on Fairclough's critical discourse analysis theory. The research method is based on Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, which examines party discourses at three levels: text (linguistic features), interaction (processes of text production and interpretation), and context (social and political settings). The findings indicate that reformist parties during Khatami's era, by promoting democratic discourse and emphasizing concepts such as civic participation and pluralism, strengthened civil institutions like city councils and non-governmental organizations, but were weakened during Ahmadinejad's era due to legal restrictions. Conversely, principlist parties during Ahmadinejad's era, focusing on revolutionary and value-oriented discourse, reinforced governmental institutions such as the Basij and the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution. These differences stem from the distinct political objectives, social bases, and political cultures of the two periods. The study concludes that party discourses contribute to political institutionalization by reproducing or transforming political identities and power relations, but their success is highly dependent on social, political, and structural support. This analysis highlights the pivotal role of discourses in shaping institutional structures and Iran's political development.The role of political party discourses in political institutionalization is a key factor in Iran's political development. This study aims to examine the functions and impacts of the discourses of reformist and principlist parties on political institutionalization during the Khatami (1997-2005) and Ahmadinejad (2005-2013) administrations, with an emphasis on Fairclough's critical discourse analysis theory. The research method is based on Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, which examines party discourses at three levels: text (linguistic features), interaction (processes of text production and interpretation), and context (social and political settings). The findings indicate that reformist parties during Khatami's era, by promoting democratic discourse and emphasizing concepts such as civic participation and pluralism, strengthened civil institutions like city councils and non-governmental organizations, but were weakened during Ahmadinejad's era due to legal restrictions. Conversely, principlist parties during Ahmadinejad's era, focusing on revolutionary and value-oriented discourse, reinforced governmental institutions such as the Basij and the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution. These differences stem from the distinct political objectives, social bases, and political cultures of the two periods. The study concludes that party discourses contribute to political institutionalization by reproducing or transforming political identities and power relations, but their success is highly dependent on social, political, and structural support. This analysis highlights the pivotal role of discourses in shaping institutional structures and Iran's political development.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_233200_fb5f06c8eb22928f3f076dd53bdb6a25.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121Conditions governing the civil liability of the government in guaranteeing the right to health of citizensConditions governing the civil liability of the government in guaranteeing the right to health of citizens31334423491610.22034/irr.2025.560940.2804FAYousefBagheryPhD Student in Public Law, Department , of Law,Sa.C., Islamic Azad University, Sanandaj, Iran0009-0006-6595-6507MehdiHatamiAssociat Professor, Department of Law , Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Kurdistan0000-0002-1965-6312HanehFarkishAssistant Professor, Department of Law, Sa.C. Islamic Azad university, Sanandaj, IranJournal Article20251119The coronavirus pandemic has clearly demonstrated the importance of the role of governments in ensuring the right to health of citizens, and the civil responsibility of the government goes beyond administrative and legal duties; this responsibility includes prevention, crisis management, and compensation for damages caused by negligence in health measures. The present study aims to examine the legal, statutory, and practical conditions for the realization of the government's civil responsibility and analyze its obligations in the face of health crises, especially the coronavirus pandemic. The data were collected and analyzed based on domestic documents and laws, international treaties, World Health Organization approvals, and comparative studies. The results show that the realization of the government's civil responsibility depends on a clear legal framework, effective preventive measures, efficient crisis management, and appropriate support policies.The use of technology and data-driven systems, along with a balance between public health and individual rights, is a key component of reducing negligence and ensuring civil liability of the state. Also, combining legal, managerial, and supportive measures with supervisory mechanisms makes the state accountable against legal claims and reduces the amount of direct and indirect damages. Thus, civil liability of the state is not only a legal obligation but also an effective tool for ensuring public health and improving the efficiency of the health system in crises.The coronavirus pandemic has clearly demonstrated the importance of the role of governments in ensuring the right to health of citizens, and the civil responsibility of the government goes beyond administrative and legal duties; this responsibility includes prevention, crisis management, and compensation for damages caused by negligence in health measures. The present study aims to examine the legal, statutory, and practical conditions for the realization of the government's civil responsibility and analyze its obligations in the face of health crises, especially the coronavirus pandemic. The data were collected and analyzed based on domestic documents and laws, international treaties, World Health Organization approvals, and comparative studies. The results show that the realization of the government's civil responsibility depends on a clear legal framework, effective preventive measures, efficient crisis management, and appropriate support policies.The use of technology and data-driven systems, along with a balance between public health and individual rights, is a key component of reducing negligence and ensuring civil liability of the state. Also, combining legal, managerial, and supportive measures with supervisory mechanisms makes the state accountable against legal claims and reduces the amount of direct and indirect damages. Thus, civil liability of the state is not only a legal obligation but also an effective tool for ensuring public health and improving the efficiency of the health system in crises.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_234916_da32f4a824ef92c4f6edbc698ca65639.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844414320241121An Analysis of the Political, Moral, and Philosophical Themes of the Myths of the Shahnameh with Emphasis on the Myths of Jamshid, Zahhak, and FereydounAn Analysis of the Political, Moral, and Philosophical Themes of the Myths of the Shahnameh with Emphasis on the Myths of Jamshid, Zahhak, and Fereydoun34536923543210.22034/irr.2025.559176.2798FAAlemehAbbaszadehDepartment of Political Science, Political Thought, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranAli AkbarAminiAssistant Professor and Faculty Member, Faculty of Political Science, Islamic Azad University, Central Tehran Branch, Tehran, IranMohammadTohidfamAssociate Professor and Faculty Member, Faculty of Political Science, Islamic Azad University, Central Tehran Branch, Tehran, IranJournal Article20251111The Shahnameh is a mirror of the rationalism, morality, good behavior and benevolence of ancient Iranians, which was created on the basis of knowledge, wisdom and wisdom, based on ancient myths and thanks to the Persian language and the genius of Ferdowsi. This unique epic book is composed of three parts: mythological, heroic and historical, but the mythology is not limited to the first part and continues and is established in the other two parts. Ferdowsi artistically places Khosravi's wisdom, religious and Islamic mission and Iranian values in the middle of the myths of the Shahnameh in a logical and systematic way. Among the various myths, the myth of Jamshid, Zahhak and Fereydoun is one of the most mysterious and profound myths, in which political, moral, human and philosophical themes are also present. The hypothesis of the article is that the myths of the Shahnameh express a wisdom that transcends time and space that different generations can benefit from. The research method of this article is an interpretive and interpretive or hermeneutic approach, and the main question is: What concepts and themes do the mythological perspectives of the Shahnameh reveal?The Shahnameh is a mirror of the rationalism, morality, good behavior and benevolence of ancient Iranians, which was created on the basis of knowledge, wisdom and wisdom, based on ancient myths and thanks to the Persian language and the genius of Ferdowsi. This unique epic book is composed of three parts: mythological, heroic and historical, but the mythology is not limited to the first part and continues and is established in the other two parts. Ferdowsi artistically places Khosravi's wisdom, religious and Islamic mission and Iranian values in the middle of the myths of the Shahnameh in a logical and systematic way. Among the various myths, the myth of Jamshid, Zahhak and Fereydoun is one of the most mysterious and profound myths, in which political, moral, human and philosophical themes are also present. The hypothesis of the article is that the myths of the Shahnameh express a wisdom that transcends time and space that different generations can benefit from. The research method of this article is an interpretive and interpretive or hermeneutic approach, and the main question is: What concepts and themes do the mythological perspectives of the Shahnameh reveal?https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_235432_8325ed8a5fa0d9a8e948364a4719ce35.pdf