The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 02 19 Comparative Study of Economic Diplomacy in China and Japan Comparative Study of Economic Diplomacy in China and Japan 7 30 209418 10.22034/irr.2024.423751.2458 FA Mehdi Mafakheri Corresponding Associate Professor, Faculty of International Relations, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Tehran, Iran 0000-0002-6083-8724 Journal Article 2023 11 04 Economic diplomacy is quite important in China and Japan foreign policy. As a defeated country in the II world war, Japan had to follow US liberal development policies, while communist China opted for an indigenous development pattern. later changing to "market socialism "during the reform process. In the XXI century, both countries chose an active economic diplomacy with rather different outcomes. Being global top trader and second economy, Japan had to concede both position to China which became the new superpower because of its impressive economic achievements after its trade revolution as a consequence of its membership in the World Trade Organization. This article is to respond to the question that "What role economic diplomacy plays in China and Japan foreign policy, and what factors have influenced different results?" To respond the question, the hypothesis is based on the opinion that economic diplomacy is quite elevated in both countries' foreign policy, but because of a stronger government role in China's economy and its development oriented foreign policy, China has been able to secure tangible strategic results, while Japan's market oriented economy and government support for its keiretsus and Zaibatsus has gradually lost the competition. The present research has been developed using qualitative methodology, in which countries’ policies, programs and data have been used comparatively to prove the hypothesis. Economic diplomacy is quite important in China and Japan foreign policy. As a defeated country in the II world war, Japan had to follow US liberal development policies, while communist China opted for an indigenous development pattern. later changing to "market socialism "during the reform process. In the XXI century, both countries chose an active economic diplomacy with rather different outcomes. Being global top trader and second economy, Japan had to concede both position to China which became the new superpower because of its impressive economic achievements after its trade revolution as a consequence of its membership in the World Trade Organization. This article is to respond to the question that "What role economic diplomacy plays in China and Japan foreign policy, and what factors have influenced different results?" To respond the question, the hypothesis is based on the opinion that economic diplomacy is quite elevated in both countries' foreign policy, but because of a stronger government role in China's economy and its development oriented foreign policy, China has been able to secure tangible strategic results, while Japan's market oriented economy and government support for its keiretsus and Zaibatsus has gradually lost the competition. The present research has been developed using qualitative methodology, in which countries’ policies, programs and data have been used comparatively to prove the hypothesis.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_209418_596490f1403069fe273f0e4de56f109e.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 02 19 United States and China's Trade War: The Effects on Iran-China Relations United States and China's Trade War: The Effects on Iran-China Relations 31 61 185931 10.22034/irr.2023.403527.2401 FA Leila Ghaffarzadeh Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, science and research Branch, Islamic Azad university, Tehran, Iran 0009-0001-1307-3415 Kayhan Barzegar Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, science and research Branch, Islamic Azad university, Tehran, Iran Majid Tavassoli Roknabadi Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, science and research Branch, Islamic Azad university, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2023 06 21 In recent years, we have witnessed the economic, military, and technological growth of China, emerging as a new power. China's overarching strategy has consistently emphasized its aspirations to become a global power and surpass the United States. Its policies have revolved around deconstructing the values and established norms created by the United States, creating and shaping new regional orders, and ultimately expanding its influence and outpacing the US. China's efforts to upset the balance of military and economic power culminated in the initiation of a trade war in 2018, casting uncertainties over the future political and economic relations between China and the US. China not only needs to seek alternative consumer markets but can also strengthen its Belt and Road Initiative by enhancing political, economic, and military relations with regional countries. Additionally, by establishing closer ties with oil-rich nations, China can secure its energy interests. Consequently, one might question whether the deteriorating relationship between China and the US will bring Iran and China closer together. By adopting an interpretative-analytical approach and utilizing the theoretical framework of structuralism, this study hypothesizes that similarities and political, economic, and military needs between Iran and China can be significant factors in shaping a coalition between the two countries. Iran can leverage China's support to advance its own objectives, while China can rely on Iran to ensure energy security, advance the Belt and Road Initiative, and counter America's progressive policies in the region. In recent years, we have witnessed the economic, military, and technological growth of China, emerging as a new power. China's overarching strategy has consistently emphasized its aspirations to become a global power and surpass the United States. Its policies have revolved around deconstructing the values and established norms created by the United States, creating and shaping new regional orders, and ultimately expanding its influence and outpacing the US. China's efforts to upset the balance of military and economic power culminated in the initiation of a trade war in 2018, casting uncertainties over the future political and economic relations between China and the US. China not only needs to seek alternative consumer markets but can also strengthen its Belt and Road Initiative by enhancing political, economic, and military relations with regional countries. Additionally, by establishing closer ties with oil-rich nations, China can secure its energy interests. Consequently, one might question whether the deteriorating relationship between China and the US will bring Iran and China closer together. By adopting an interpretative-analytical approach and utilizing the theoretical framework of structuralism, this study hypothesizes that similarities and political, economic, and military needs between Iran and China can be significant factors in shaping a coalition between the two countries. Iran can leverage China's support to advance its own objectives, while China can rely on Iran to ensure energy security, advance the Belt and Road Initiative, and counter America's progressive policies in the region.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_185931_d62f293dfcce975cfddd7878227c7b3d.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 02 19 U.S. Containment Strategy and the Expansion of China's International Presence through the Belt and Road Initiative U.S. Containment Strategy and the Expansion of China's International Presence through the Belt and Road Initiative 63 88 214318 10.22034/irr.2025.491459.2635 FA Ahmad Javid Kamal Yar PhD student in International Relations, Department of International Relations, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran Saeed Mirtorabi ,Associate Professor of International Relations, Department of International Relations, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran 0000-0003-3697-2672 Mohammad Vali Modares Assistant Professor of International Relations, Department of International Relations, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2024 12 07 Since 2013, China has announced and advanced the largest infrastructure and development project in the world, known as the Belt and Road Initiative. Various perspectives have been presented regarding China's motivations and objectives in entering this unprecedented global megaproject in terms of scope and scale. One less-discussed idea that this article explores is the impact of the U.S. pivot to Asia strategy on the expansion of China's designinng its international program under the Belt and Road Initiative. In this context, the main question based on the descriptive-explanatory method of the article is: how has the announcement of the U.S. pivot to Asia strategy influenced the perceptions and calculations of China's new leadership in designing a more proactive international policy? The hypothesis tested is that "the announcement of the U.S. pivot to Asia strategy, while reinforcing the perception of the threat of China's encirclement, prompted Beijing's new leadership to expand its currently designing international strategy in the form of the Belt and Road Initiative, in order to indirectly counter this threat and ensure the continuity of China's rise in the international arena." The findings of the article indicate that, had the U.S. pivot to Asia strategy not been announced, China's new leaders would likely have pursued less ambitious programs in their surrounding environment instead of proposing the Belt and Road Initiative. Since 2013, China has announced and advanced the largest infrastructure and development project in the world, known as the Belt and Road Initiative. Various perspectives have been presented regarding China's motivations and objectives in entering this unprecedented global megaproject in terms of scope and scale. One less-discussed idea that this article explores is the impact of the U.S. pivot to Asia strategy on the expansion of China's designinng its international program under the Belt and Road Initiative. In this context, the main question based on the descriptive-explanatory method of the article is: how has the announcement of the U.S. pivot to Asia strategy influenced the perceptions and calculations of China's new leadership in designing a more proactive international policy? The hypothesis tested is that "the announcement of the U.S. pivot to Asia strategy, while reinforcing the perception of the threat of China's encirclement, prompted Beijing's new leadership to expand its currently designing international strategy in the form of the Belt and Road Initiative, in order to indirectly counter this threat and ensure the continuity of China's rise in the international arena." The findings of the article indicate that, had the U.S. pivot to Asia strategy not been announced, China's new leaders would likely have pursued less ambitious programs in their surrounding environment instead of proposing the Belt and Road Initiative.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_214318_205acdbe12c7ac97431cb257f237693a.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 02 19 A Theoretical Sketch of Masoud Pezzekian’s Foreign Policy Perspective A Theoretical Sketch of Masoud Pezzekian’s Foreign Policy Perspective 89 112 213090 10.22034/irr.2025.469366.2570 FA Hamid Ahmadinejad Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Lorestan University, Khorramabad, Iran 0000-0001-5859-0590 Sajad Gheytasi Phd student International Relations, Islamic Azad University, Science and Research Branch, Tehran, Iran Tajuddin Salehian lecturer Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Ilam, Ilam, Iran Journal Article 2024 07 23 In the past four decades, Iran's foreign policy has undergone significant changes with to the rise of different governments. The first factor behind these changes, which may be a “change from” or a “change in” foreign policy, is the president with new discourse. In light of the aforementioned evidence, With the rise of Masoud Pezeshkian to power, it is expected that there will be fundamental changes in Iran's foreign policy. The objective of this study is to address the following question: What impact will the structure of Masoud Pezeshkian discourse have on his foreign policy? The theoretical framework of Laclau and Mouffe discourse research and the research method is also directed qualitative content analysis. The hypothesis under consideration is that: the nodal point of opportunistic interaction in Pezeshkian discourse gives meaning to its floating signifiers such as détente, balance, rule of play based on common interests and Justice. The aforementioned elements will contribute to a more tolerant approach to foreign policy on the part of the Pezeshkian government in its dealings with other actors. In this context, the Pezeshkian government will engage with other actors provided that these actors respect Iran's rights, ideals and goals. In the past four decades, Iran's foreign policy has undergone significant changes with to the rise of different governments. The first factor behind these changes, which may be a “change from” or a “change in” foreign policy, is the president with new discourse. In light of the aforementioned evidence, With the rise of Masoud Pezeshkian to power, it is expected that there will be fundamental changes in Iran's foreign policy. The objective of this study is to address the following question: What impact will the structure of Masoud Pezeshkian discourse have on his foreign policy? The theoretical framework of Laclau and Mouffe discourse research and the research method is also directed qualitative content analysis. The hypothesis under consideration is that: the nodal point of opportunistic interaction in Pezeshkian discourse gives meaning to its floating signifiers such as détente, balance, rule of play based on common interests and Justice. The aforementioned elements will contribute to a more tolerant approach to foreign policy on the part of the Pezeshkian government in its dealings with other actors. In this context, the Pezeshkian government will engage with other actors provided that these actors respect Iran's rights, ideals and goals.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_213090_7d0b943346dd297a8cc10f678dbdbe05.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 02 19 Official diplomacy towards convergence The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan Official diplomacy towards convergence The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan 113 141 214290 10.22034/irr.2025.477975.2599 FA Seyyed Ebrahim Masoumi Corresponding Assistant Professor.Dep. of Islamic Studies, University of Kashan, Kashan, Islamic Republic of Iran.. E-mail: masomi6228@kashanu.ac.ir 0009-0008-0475-9424 Journal Article 2024 09 11 The relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan during the three decades after the country's independence has been close to convergence for a period and diverged for a period. Iran has become Islamic, which has caused a dusty atmosphere between these two countries in some periods of time. Now, what solutions are there in the direction of convergence and strengthening of political relations and official diplomacy between the two countries? By analyzing and explaining the factors of convergence such as: historical shares and links, political factors, Azerbaijan's position on Iran's nuclear program, geographical factors, ethnic factors and the common language between the two countries, it has tried to use the theoretical framework of convergence called the BAM model. insight, motivational and environmental) with the library method and semi-structured interviews, to provide useful solutions, in this Sepehr, the present article in the field of official diplomacy, solutions: judicial agreement, using the diplomacy of ambassadors' wives, cooperation in the fight against terrorism and extremism , the use of experienced Azeri-speaking diplomats, interaction in protecting the borders of the two countries, disallowing the activities of ethnic and separatist forces and the activeness of parliamentary diplomacy have been presented. The relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan during the three decades after the country's independence has been close to convergence for a period and diverged for a period. Iran has become Islamic, which has caused a dusty atmosphere between these two countries in some periods of time. Now, what solutions are there in the direction of convergence and strengthening of political relations and official diplomacy between the two countries? By analyzing and explaining the factors of convergence such as: historical shares and links, political factors, Azerbaijan's position on Iran's nuclear program, geographical factors, ethnic factors and the common language between the two countries, it has tried to use the theoretical framework of convergence called the BAM model. insight, motivational and environmental) with the library method and semi-structured interviews, to provide useful solutions, in this Sepehr, the present article in the field of official diplomacy, solutions: judicial agreement, using the diplomacy of ambassadors' wives, cooperation in the fight against terrorism and extremism , the use of experienced Azeri-speaking diplomats, interaction in protecting the borders of the two countries, disallowing the activities of ethnic and separatist forces and the activeness of parliamentary diplomacy have been presented.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_214290_1796c966056fddf129e6435bb6e76893.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 02 19 Studying and analyzing the effects of the economic policies of the parties of the United States of America on the financial markets of Iran Studying and analyzing the effects of the economic policies of the parties of the United States of America on the financial markets of Iran 143 171 210029 10.22034/irr.2024.475673.2591 FA Seyyed Abdollah Razavi Associate of Professor of Economics, Department of Energy Economics and Management of Petroleum University of Technology, Tehran, Iran. Nasrin Hashemizadeh Master of Economic Sciences, Faculty of Management and Accounting, Allameh Tabatabai University Samira Basirizadeh Master of Economic Sciences, Faculty of Economics, Khwarazmi University, Tehran, Iran. Journal Article 2024 09 06 Democrats seek to weaken Iran's economy through international institutions and preserve the avenues of negotiation, while Republicans emphasize tightening sanctions. During the Democratic era, more economic stability has been observed. On the other hand, Republican policies have led to an increase in the inflation rate and weakening of Iran's production and export sector. Financial sanctions, especially against the central bank, have reduced Iran's access to global financial markets. This article examines the influence channels and strategies of democratic and republican parties on the financial market of Iran in the period of 2017-2024 using the method of analyzing the impact of politics. The results show that if the Democrats win, the interest rate will decrease and this can lead to an increase in investment. On the contrary, the victory of the Republicans will probably lead to an increase in interest rates, inflation and a decrease in the value of the Rial. All the mentioned things will make the dollar rate reach at least 100 thousand tomans in the first year and this trend will continue. On the other hand, if the Democrats win the 2024 elections, the current situation will continue and the dollar will fluctuate between 70 and 80 thousand tomans. With a more positive approach, the Democrats can provide better conditions for Iran's exports and imports and possibly reduce additional tariffs. But the Republicans with "American first" policies and high tariffs can lead to a decrease in Iran's exports and imports and an increase in the cost of goods. Democrats seek to weaken Iran's economy through international institutions and preserve the avenues of negotiation, while Republicans emphasize tightening sanctions. During the Democratic era, more economic stability has been observed. On the other hand, Republican policies have led to an increase in the inflation rate and weakening of Iran's production and export sector. Financial sanctions, especially against the central bank, have reduced Iran's access to global financial markets. This article examines the influence channels and strategies of democratic and republican parties on the financial market of Iran in the period of 2017-2024 using the method of analyzing the impact of politics. The results show that if the Democrats win, the interest rate will decrease and this can lead to an increase in investment. On the contrary, the victory of the Republicans will probably lead to an increase in interest rates, inflation and a decrease in the value of the Rial. All the mentioned things will make the dollar rate reach at least 100 thousand tomans in the first year and this trend will continue. On the other hand, if the Democrats win the 2024 elections, the current situation will continue and the dollar will fluctuate between 70 and 80 thousand tomans. With a more positive approach, the Democrats can provide better conditions for Iran's exports and imports and possibly reduce additional tariffs. But the Republicans with "American first" policies and high tariffs can lead to a decrease in Iran's exports and imports and an increase in the cost of goods.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_210029_e5de6c91af22d195a013bb6e0c8a039d.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 02 19 The reasons behind the different outcomes of power struggle in Syria after the Arab Spring: From the civil war to the fall of the Assad’s regime The reasons behind the different outcomes of power struggle in Syria after the Arab Spring: From the civil war to the fall of the Assad’s regime 173 206 216408 10.22034/irr.2025.499126.2652 FA Seyed Amir Niakooee Associate Professor of Political Science, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Guilan, Rasht, Iran. 0000-0001-8865-8824 Seyed Hossein Mousavi Kordmiri PhD Student in Regional Studies, Middle East Orientation, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran. Iran. 0009-0006-9891-8021 Journal Article 2025 01 11 With the uprisings in Tunisia and its spread to Arab world, Syria underwent a wave of protests in 2011, which quickly led to a civil war. Although Assad gained increasing success on the ground after 2016, the advance of the opposition and the rapid fall of the Assad regime in December 2024 surprised many researchers. This research seeks to answer the question: how can the civil war in Syria and subsequently the fall of the Syrian government be explained? To answer the question, Goldstone's approach is used and the factors affecting the civil war and the fall of the regime are analyzed. The findings indicate that social fragmentation and the support of some social layers for the regime, the stability of the main core of the army despite of some defections, and the regional and international support of both sides of the conflict played a prominent role in the continuation of the civil war. However, the regional and international supporters of the Syrian government played the most important role in preventing the fall of the regime in the civil war. On the other hand, the regressive course of support for Assad among the minorities who were affected by corruption and economic crises, along with the severe erosion of the army and finally the change of the balance of regional and international power in favor of the opposition caused the rapid collapse of the Syrian government. The research method is explanatory and the method of data collection is a library method. With the uprisings in Tunisia and its spread to Arab world, Syria underwent a wave of protests in 2011, which quickly led to a civil war. Although Assad gained increasing success on the ground after 2016, the advance of the opposition and the rapid fall of the Assad regime in December 2024 surprised many researchers. This research seeks to answer the question: how can the civil war in Syria and subsequently the fall of the Syrian government be explained? To answer the question, Goldstone's approach is used and the factors affecting the civil war and the fall of the regime are analyzed. The findings indicate that social fragmentation and the support of some social layers for the regime, the stability of the main core of the army despite of some defections, and the regional and international support of both sides of the conflict played a prominent role in the continuation of the civil war. However, the regional and international supporters of the Syrian government played the most important role in preventing the fall of the regime in the civil war. On the other hand, the regressive course of support for Assad among the minorities who were affected by corruption and economic crises, along with the severe erosion of the army and finally the change of the balance of regional and international power in favor of the opposition caused the rapid collapse of the Syrian government. The research method is explanatory and the method of data collection is a library method.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_216408_f6bc17c304fd7b09677782fe6f52c63c.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 02 19 The impact of public diplomacy on branding border villages in developing relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan The impact of public diplomacy on branding border villages in developing relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan 207 231 221436 10.22034/irr.2022.336548.2168 FA Mehran Bazargani PhD Student in Geography and Rural Planning, Astara Branch, Islamic Azad University, Astara, Iran. Email: heravia123@gmail.com Nasrolah Molaei Hashgin Corresponding Author, Professor, Department of Geography, Rasht Branch, Islamic Azad University, Rasht, Iran. Email: nmolaei@iaurasht.ac.ir Sedigheh Hasani Mehr Assistant Professor of Geography and Rural Planning, Astara Branch, Islamic Azad University, Astara, Iran. Email: hasanimehr.sedigheh@yahoo.com Rafat Shahmari Professor of Geography and Rural Planning, Astara Branch, Islamic Azad University, Astara, Iran. Email: shahmari.r@yahoo.com Journal Article 2022 04 07 Prioritizing rural development is one of the basic principles of development discussions and one of the strategies considered regarding public diplomacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. One of the axes of this approach has been the promotion and strengthening of rural branding, and in line with the above assumption, national and transnational elements have become empowered to play an active role. Public diplomacy, which focuses on promoting the national brand to the people of the destination country, is linked to media and cultural diplomacy. This analytical framework regarding bilateral and border relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan is of great importance and formed the purpose of the present article. On this basis, the present research sought to answer the question of how the impact of a proportionate public diplomacy approach, through rural branding, can be on the development of border relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan? The hypothesis of the article stated that: effective public diplomacy, through branding and the growth of trade in the fields of handicrafts and carpets, has the potential to play a role in the development of border relations between Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Related economic added value and the systematic production and supply of the needs of both parties are effective in reducing prior conflicts in the geopolitical and even geoeconomic arenas. The method of the present research is explanatory and uses internet and library resources. Prioritizing rural development is one of the basic principles of development discussions and one of the strategies considered regarding public diplomacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. One of the axes of this approach has been the promotion and strengthening of rural branding, and in line with the above assumption, national and transnational elements have become empowered to play an active role. Public diplomacy, which focuses on promoting the national brand to the people of the destination country, is linked to media and cultural diplomacy. This analytical framework regarding bilateral and border relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan is of great importance and formed the purpose of the present article. On this basis, the present research sought to answer the question of how the impact of a proportionate public diplomacy approach, through rural branding, can be on the development of border relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan? The hypothesis of the article stated that: effective public diplomacy, through branding and the growth of trade in the fields of handicrafts and carpets, has the potential to play a role in the development of border relations between Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Related economic added value and the systematic production and supply of the needs of both parties are effective in reducing prior conflicts in the geopolitical and even geoeconomic arenas. The method of the present research is explanatory and uses internet and library resources.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_221436_5c8d479da2bacfaa3c916c6fa4631f8d.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 02 19 Dissection of the effects of Azerbaijan's security challenges on economic relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran Dissection of the effects of Azerbaijan's security challenges on economic relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran 233 254 208904 10.22034/irr.2024.457271.2544 FA Morteza Hosseinzadeh Moghadam PhD Student in Iranian Studies, Department of Iranian Studies, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran. 0009-0005-0700-6709 Fakhreddin Soltani Assistant Professor of International Relations, Department of International Relations, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran 0000-0002-0849-4370 Rahim Khastu Assistant Professor of Iranian Issues, Department of Iranian Issues, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran 0000-0001-5932-3574 Mir Ebrahim Seddigh Assistant Professor of Iranian Issues, Department of Iranian Issues, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran 0000-0002-5194-0321 Journal Article 2024 07 07 Globalization has made the threat environment more diverse and complex to understand the dynamics of the state system. The globalization of economies has had a significant impact on the economic security of countries around the world. Economic security refers to the ability of a country to meet the basic needs and well-being of its citizens. The central question and goal of this research is what effects Azerbaijan's security attitude has had on Iran's economic security, especially in the years 2018 to 2023. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical. Considering Iran's internal crises, increasing international pressure and isolation, and changing the geopolitical landscape in the South Caucasus, it has added more complexity to the tense relations between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Iran.. Although there has been a partial de-escalation in Baku-Tehran relations recently, a peaceful intra-regional partnership based on mutual trust has not yet been achieved. In this way, factors such as economic and trade partnerships can be game-changing factors to re-establish regional dialogue and revive pragmatic partnership. Considering the elements affecting the security policy of Azerbaijan, it can be said that the security policies of the Republic of Azerbaijan affect Iran's economic security at different micro and macro levels. In this regard, we can mention issues such as the reduction of economic relations, the security of the region and the reduction of investment, the impact on Iran's economic relations with other countries in the region such as Turkey, and the lack of development of border areas. Globalization has made the threat environment more diverse and complex to understand the dynamics of the state system. The globalization of economies has had a significant impact on the economic security of countries around the world. Economic security refers to the ability of a country to meet the basic needs and well-being of its citizens. The central question and goal of this research is what effects Azerbaijan's security attitude has had on Iran's economic security, especially in the years 2018 to 2023. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical. Considering Iran's internal crises, increasing international pressure and isolation, and changing the geopolitical landscape in the South Caucasus, it has added more complexity to the tense relations between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Iran.. Although there has been a partial de-escalation in Baku-Tehran relations recently, a peaceful intra-regional partnership based on mutual trust has not yet been achieved. In this way, factors such as economic and trade partnerships can be game-changing factors to re-establish regional dialogue and revive pragmatic partnership. Considering the elements affecting the security policy of Azerbaijan, it can be said that the security policies of the Republic of Azerbaijan affect Iran's economic security at different micro and macro levels. In this regard, we can mention issues such as the reduction of economic relations, the security of the region and the reduction of investment, the impact on Iran's economic relations with other countries in the region such as Turkey, and the lack of development of border areas.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_208904_a3df7bec58a97706f043256c3d62f097.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 02 19 Reflections of Chinese debt trap diplomacy on the continuation of the third world economic crisis; Lessons for Iran Reflections of Chinese debt trap diplomacy on the continuation of the third world economic crisis; Lessons for Iran 255 279 210028 10.22034/irr.2024.488603.2626 FA Reza Simbar Professor of International Relations, Political Science Department, University of Guilan, Rasht, Iran 0000-0001-5111-1075 Saeid Arya PhD Student in International Relations, Department of Political Science, University of Guilan, Rasht, Iran 0009-0004-7680-3747 Ahmad Jansiz Associate Professor, Political Science Department, Gilan University, Rasht, Iran 0000-0002-1848-2023 Journal Article 2024 11 13 "Debt trap" is a title that refers to a form of diplomacy in which one international entity grants another entity (usually a legitimate government) heavy loans. These types of loans are generally granted to countries that are expected to not be able to repay the said loans. China is one of the actors that uses this type of diplomacy. How China's debt trap diplomacy has deepened financial and political crises in the third world is the title of the question on which this research is written. The proposed hypothesis indicates that China needs to penetrate the countries that supply natural resources in order to develop financial markets and also to expand its strategic depth. By granting heavy loans to less developed countries and influencing the economic structure and political structure of these countries, this country is experiencing a new type of exploitation that has become a legal form and in the long term deepens financial and political crises in the third world countries. "Debt trap" is a title that refers to a form of diplomacy in which one international entity grants another entity (usually a legitimate government) heavy loans. These types of loans are generally granted to countries that are expected to not be able to repay the said loans. China is one of the actors that uses this type of diplomacy. How China's debt trap diplomacy has deepened financial and political crises in the third world is the title of the question on which this research is written. The proposed hypothesis indicates that China needs to penetrate the countries that supply natural resources in order to develop financial markets and also to expand its strategic depth. By granting heavy loans to less developed countries and influencing the economic structure and political structure of these countries, this country is experiencing a new type of exploitation that has become a legal form and in the long term deepens financial and political crises in the third world countries.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_210028_da8e69f6473c069d794a36069da3453e.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 02 19 "A Comparative Study of Civil Liability Arising from Cyber Damages in the Iranian Legal System and International Standards" "A Comparative Study of Civil Liability Arising from Cyber Damages in the Iranian Legal System and International Standards" 281 307 227301 10.22034/irr.2025.542055.2753 FA Zahra Shams Dini Master's student, Law Department, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran Hamid Bazrpach Associate Professor, Law Department, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran 0000-0001-6225-9948 Journal Article 2025 08 18 With the rapid development of modern technologies and the expansion of cybercrimes, civil liability arising from such damages has become one of the most significant and complex challenges for legal systems. This article, using a descriptive-analytical approach and library-based research method, provides a comparative study of civil liability for cyber damages in Iran’s legal system and international standards. The findings indicate that while Iranian law, under general civil liability rules, has the potential to cover cyber damages, it faces gaps and lack of clarity in areas such as defining the limits of internet service providers’ liability, establishing fault criteria, and determining compensation methods. In contrast, international standards, particularly the Budapest Convention and European Union regulations, offer clearer frameworks, specifying the responsibilities and procedures for compensating cyber-related damages. The article concludes that there is a pressing need to review and amend domestic laws, enact specific regulations on cyber liability, and draw on international experiences to enhance the efficiency and responsiveness of Iran’s legal system. Implementing these measures can provide necessary legal protection for victims and contribute to strengthening the security and resilience of the country’s cyberspace With the rapid development of modern technologies and the expansion of cybercrimes, civil liability arising from such damages has become one of the most significant and complex challenges for legal systems. This article, using a descriptive-analytical approach and library-based research method, provides a comparative study of civil liability for cyber damages in Iran’s legal system and international standards. The findings indicate that while Iranian law, under general civil liability rules, has the potential to cover cyber damages, it faces gaps and lack of clarity in areas such as defining the limits of internet service providers’ liability, establishing fault criteria, and determining compensation methods. In contrast, international standards, particularly the Budapest Convention and European Union regulations, offer clearer frameworks, specifying the responsibilities and procedures for compensating cyber-related damages. The article concludes that there is a pressing need to review and amend domestic laws, enact specific regulations on cyber liability, and draw on international experiences to enhance the efficiency and responsiveness of Iran’s legal system. Implementing these measures can provide necessary legal protection for victims and contribute to strengthening the security and resilience of the country’s cyberspace

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_227301_8ad97b62acf0a5a552be3e32b930c911.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 02 19 International Security Evolutions and Hybrid Warfare in the 21st Century International Security Evolutions and Hybrid Warfare in the 21st Century 309 327 234520 10.22034/irr.2025.520893.2703 FA Sajjad Karimi Parsheh MA in International Relations, Department of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabaei University, Tehran, Iran 0009-0008-5623-1971 Gholamali Chegnizadeh Associate Professor of International Relations, Department of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabaei University,,Tehran, Iran 0000-0003-0226-1522 Journal Article 2025 05 11 Hybrid Warfare is an important aspect of security approaches in the 21 century . It involves a combination of military and civilian strategies that include the simultaneous use of cyber operations , information warfare and media campaigns. The emergence of new media and advanced technologies has made hybrid warfare and deterrence policies some of the main security concerns for international actors. on the other hand , this has significantly promoted developments in the international security . Nevertheless the key question is what are the most important effects of hybrid warfare on the evolution of international security and which aspect of are most affected? in response to this hypothesis , it has been proposed that the emergence of Hybrid Warfare has led to changes in military strategies , increased tension and instability ,alteration in the foundations of national security and challenges for international institution and cooperation among different governments. Consequently , the present research is explanatory with international security development as the independent variable and the emergence of hybrid warfare as the dependent variable . the data collection method is based on reliable internet and library sources. Hybrid Warfare is an important aspect of security approaches in the 21 century . It involves a combination of military and civilian strategies that include the simultaneous use of cyber operations , information warfare and media campaigns. The emergence of new media and advanced technologies has made hybrid warfare and deterrence policies some of the main security concerns for international actors. on the other hand , this has significantly promoted developments in the international security . Nevertheless the key question is what are the most important effects of hybrid warfare on the evolution of international security and which aspect of are most affected? in response to this hypothesis , it has been proposed that the emergence of Hybrid Warfare has led to changes in military strategies , increased tension and instability ,alteration in the foundations of national security and challenges for international institution and cooperation among different governments. Consequently , the present research is explanatory with international security development as the independent variable and the emergence of hybrid warfare as the dependent variable . the data collection method is based on reliable internet and library sources.

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_234520_fefe7d9e18cb798df0459d07be3ebc8c.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 03 18 The role of centralization and national unity on education in Urmia during the reign of Reza Shah (1304-1320/1925-1941 AD) The role of centralization and national unity on education in Urmia during the reign of Reza Shah (1304-1320/1925-1941 AD) 329 349 242728 10.22034/irr.2026.579403.2839 FA Rasool Abdollahi Department of History, Shab.C., Islamic Azad University, Shabester, Iran Manijeh Sadri Department of History, Shab.C., Islamic Azad University, Shabester, Iran Manochehr Samadivand Department of Islamic Studies, Ta.c., Islamic Azad University, Tabriz, Iran. Saeed Hamidi Moghadam Department of Islamic Studies, Mah. C. , Islamic Azad University, Mahabad, Iran. Journal Article 2024 06 23 Urmia is one of the first cities where new schools for boys and girls were established from the middle of the Qajar period due to the presence of foreign evangelical delegations. Before the establishment of new Iranian schools in Urmia, education was mainly done in the traditional way and in women's schools. This research, using a descriptive method, analyzes data and information using library and professorial sources, while explaining the state of developments in Urmia's educational system, it investigates the Pahlavi government's actions in the field of Urmia's education. According to the results of the research on the establishment of a new style school and the development of culture in Urmia, starting from the end of the Qajar era, and gradually with the coming of Reza Khan, new schools were established one after the other, the teaching methods and teaching materials were also changed. With the elimination of religious education and the stateization of schools, the focus of the educational system was placed in the hands of the government, that is, Reza Shah wanted to modernize this system as a support to strengthen the administrative bureaucracy and strengthen the foundations of his autocratic government. By establishing new schools for girls and boys, establishing a women's center in Urmia, and controlling the educational network in this city through these schools, Reza Shah's government became the only policy maker and cultural broker in Urmia, s Urmia is one of the first cities where new schools for boys and girls were established from the middle of the Qajar period due to the presence of foreign evangelical delegations. Before the establishment of new Iranian schools in Urmia, education was mainly done in the traditional way and in women's schools. This research, using a descriptive method, analyzes data and information using library and professorial sources, while explaining the state of developments in Urmia's educational system, it investigates the Pahlavi government's actions in the field of Urmia's education. According to the results of the research on the establishment of a new style school and the development of culture in Urmia, starting from the end of the Qajar era, and gradually with the coming of Reza Khan, new schools were established one after the other, the teaching methods and teaching materials were also changed. With the elimination of religious education and the stateization of schools, the focus of the educational system was placed in the hands of the government, that is, Reza Shah wanted to modernize this system as a support to strengthen the administrative bureaucracy and strengthen the foundations of his autocratic government. By establishing new schools for girls and boys, establishing a women's center in Urmia, and controlling the educational network in this city through these schools, Reza Shah's government became the only policy maker and cultural broker in Urmia, s

https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_242728_cad66c6280333fff773ac7f4da40fcbc.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 14 4 2025 02 19 The role of legal and institutional mechanisms in realizing the right to self-determination in multicultural societies The role of legal and institutional mechanisms in realizing the right to self-determination in multicultural societies 351 388 244867 10.22034/irr.2024.244867 FA Anvar Saedi PhD Student in Public Law, Department of Law , Sanandaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Sanandaj, Iran Ebad Ruhi Corresponding Author, Assistant Professor of Public Law, Department of Law, Sanandaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Sanandaj, Iran. Javanmir Abdolahi Assistant Professor of Public Law, Department of Law, University of Kurdistan, Sanandaj, Iran Journal Article 2024 06 21 The aim of this research is to identify and analyze the legal, institutional and political mechanisms for exercising the right to self-determination in multicultural societies, to explain the role of local democracy in realizing this right by maintaining a balance between unity and plurality, and to assess the impact of these mechanisms on the level of human security and health in culturally diverse societies. The present research was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and using library resources, international law documents, domestic laws and comparative studies of multicultural systems. The research findings show that the exercise of the right to self-determination in multicultural societies is realized through a set of legal and institutional mechanisms, including constitutional guarantees for minority rights, local and regional autonomy systems, federalism, local parliaments, mechanisms for political participation of minorities, protection of linguistic and cultural rights, as well as judicial authorities and mediation. On the other hand, local democracy, by strengthening the political participation of cultural groups, decentralizing power, and establishing local decision-making institutions, can, while recognizing cultural differences, enable the realization of the right to self-determination within the framework of national sovereignty, and help create unity in diversity. In addition, a study of the experiences of some multicultural governments shows that the establishment of appropriate institutional mechanisms at the level of local governments, in addition to reducing ethnic and cultural tensions, leads to an increase in the level of human security, an increase in the sense of social belonging, and an improvement in social health indicators among different cultural groups. The aim of this research is to identify and analyze the legal, institutional and political mechanisms for exercising the right to self-determination in multicultural societies, to explain the role of local democracy in realizing this right by maintaining a balance between unity and plurality, and to assess the impact of these mechanisms on the level of human security and health in culturally diverse societies. The present research was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and using library resources, international law documents, domestic laws and comparative studies of multicultural systems. The research findings show that the exercise of the right to self-determination in multicultural societies is realized through a set of legal and institutional mechanisms, including constitutional guarantees for minority rights, local and regional autonomy systems, federalism, local parliaments, mechanisms for political participation of minorities, protection of linguistic and cultural rights, as well as judicial authorities and mediation. On the other hand, local democracy, by strengthening the political participation of cultural groups, decentralizing power, and establishing local decision-making institutions, can, while recognizing cultural differences, enable the realization of the right to self-determination within the framework of national sovereignty, and help create unity in diversity. In addition, a study of the experiences of some multicultural governments shows that the establishment of appropriate institutional mechanisms at the level of local governments, in addition to reducing ethnic and cultural tensions, leads to an increase in the level of human security, an increase in the sense of social belonging, and an improvement in social health indicators among different cultural groups. https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_244867_63896910ae32db816b2cddb53d0171c9.pdf