The Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421Pathology of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of neoclassical realism; Emphasis on reactive measuresPathology of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of neoclassical realism; Emphasis on reactive measures73021342410.22034/irr.2025.476595.2593FAَAmirrohamShojaiePh.D Candidate of International Relations, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Guilan, Rasht, Iran0009-0001-8788-2522Journal Article20240904Foreign policy is basically a tool to pursue interests and promote national security. The special geopolitical position of Iran in the areas of the Middle East, Central Asia, Caucasus, etc., doubles the importance of having a suitable foreign policy to achieve national interests. However, many are of the opinion that the main actions of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran are not proactive and creative, but reactive and response-oriented. Based on this, using the neoclassical platform of realism, the main question is: What obstacles did the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially in the field of defining goals and balancing approaches and reactive actions, face and what factors caused the adoption of disproportionate and insufficient approaches in the field of foreign policy? The hypothesis that will be measured as a temporary response is that micro-level factors in both material (institutional) and semantic (perceptions) aspects, in three areas: 1-Knowledge (self, international environment and external threats) 2-Agreement on optimal foreign policy and finally 3- timely decision-making (the issue of time); They are among the most damaging factors in Iran's foreign policy. Analytical-explanatory research method with a theoretical approach and its nature is also practical.Foreign policy is basically a tool to pursue interests and promote national security. The special geopolitical position of Iran in the areas of the Middle East, Central Asia, Caucasus, etc., doubles the importance of having a suitable foreign policy to achieve national interests. However, many are of the opinion that the main actions of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran are not proactive and creative, but reactive and response-oriented. Based on this, using the neoclassical platform of realism, the main question is: What obstacles did the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially in the field of defining goals and balancing approaches and reactive actions, face and what factors caused the adoption of disproportionate and insufficient approaches in the field of foreign policy? The hypothesis that will be measured as a temporary response is that micro-level factors in both material (institutional) and semantic (perceptions) aspects, in three areas: 1-Knowledge (self, international environment and external threats) 2-Agreement on optimal foreign policy and finally 3- timely decision-making (the issue of time); They are among the most damaging factors in Iran's foreign policy. Analytical-explanatory research method with a theoretical approach and its nature is also practical.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_213424_0fc76118440f9dcfc59701074b1423d2.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421Sino-American Competition in the Context of the Geoeconomic Structure of the International System (2010-2023)Sino-American Competition in the Context of the Geoeconomic Structure of the International System (2010-2023)316521327610.22034/irr.2025.488777.2629FANaveedMohebbifarPhD Student in International Relations department
law and Political sciences Faculty
Allameh Tabataba'i University
Tehran
Iran0009-0000-7299-1016Seyed HassanMirfakhraeiInternational Relations Dept. Law and Political Sciences Faculty, Allameh Tabataba'i University Tehran. Iran0000-0002-9639-1776Journal Article20241117Sino-American Competition in the Context of the Geoeconomic Structure of the International System (2010-2023)<br /><br /><br /><br />Abstract<br /><br /><br /><br />The structure of the international system has been evolving since World War II. One of the aspects added to the components of the system structure in recent decades has been the economy, which has emerged and developed through the connection with strategic issues and geographical components in the form of geoeconomics. Therefore, some of the trends and power dynamics in the current structure of the international system are developed based on geoeconomic variables. Therefore, understanding the nature and evaluating the mechanism of operation of these variables can clearly help to understand the behavior of states, especially great powers, within the framework of the structure of the international system. Accordingly, the present article seeks to answer the question of what variables are effective in the geoeconomic structure of the international system. <br /><br /><br /><br />Keywords: International System Structure, Geoeconomics, Geoeconomic Structure, China, AmericaSino-American Competition in the Context of the Geoeconomic Structure of the International System (2010-2023)<br /><br /><br /><br />Abstract<br /><br /><br /><br />The structure of the international system has been evolving since World War II. One of the aspects added to the components of the system structure in recent decades has been the economy, which has emerged and developed through the connection with strategic issues and geographical components in the form of geoeconomics. Therefore, some of the trends and power dynamics in the current structure of the international system are developed based on geoeconomic variables. Therefore, understanding the nature and evaluating the mechanism of operation of these variables can clearly help to understand the behavior of states, especially great powers, within the framework of the structure of the international system. Accordingly, the present article seeks to answer the question of what variables are effective in the geoeconomic structure of the international system. <br /><br /><br /><br />Keywords: International System Structure, Geoeconomics, Geoeconomic Structure, China, Americahttps://www.iisajournals.ir/article_213276_e8de142c96fd17a82828e74fbbe2a7c0.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421Geographical bottlenecks and identity structures in Iran's foreign policyGeographical bottlenecks and identity structures in Iran's foreign policy678821372810.22034/irr.2025.434607.2492FARuhollahEslamiAssistant Professor of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Ferdowsi University, Mashhad, IranFatemehDaneshvarPhD student in Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran0000-0002-6276-9160Journal Article20240108One of the issues that is considered from a constructive point of view regarding Iran's regional policies is the issue of identity. From the perspective of constructivism, it is the identity of the governments that shapes the interests and behavior of the governments. And regional policies find differences depending on which elements of identity are highlighted and what kind of discourse governs foreign policy. Among the inter-religious communities that have played a role in the identification of the government and the pursuit of Iran's regional policies, we can mention the nationalism of the Pahlavi era and the Shia ideology during the Islamic Republic of Iran, which discourses and orientations It created different issues for foreign policy. But despite the different identityism, in the case of regional policies, the strategy that has always been the focus and use of decision-makers is the strategy of balancing identity. The basic question of this article is "What factor has been effective on the use of identity balance in Iran's regional policies?" According to the findings, it seems that despite the different identitarianism of the governments in Iran, the geopolitical factor has caused Iran to always seek to establish a balance of identity in regional policies.One of the issues that is considered from a constructive point of view regarding Iran's regional policies is the issue of identity. From the perspective of constructivism, it is the identity of the governments that shapes the interests and behavior of the governments. And regional policies find differences depending on which elements of identity are highlighted and what kind of discourse governs foreign policy. Among the inter-religious communities that have played a role in the identification of the government and the pursuit of Iran's regional policies, we can mention the nationalism of the Pahlavi era and the Shia ideology during the Islamic Republic of Iran, which discourses and orientations It created different issues for foreign policy. But despite the different identityism, in the case of regional policies, the strategy that has always been the focus and use of decision-makers is the strategy of balancing identity. The basic question of this article is "What factor has been effective on the use of identity balance in Iran's regional policies?" According to the findings, it seems that despite the different identitarianism of the governments in Iran, the geopolitical factor has caused Iran to always seek to establish a balance of identity in regional policies.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_213728_8d7a9e6ffd625898b418ed49f38801d7.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421The 119th US Congress' Strategy Towards Iran
Based on the Theory of Coercive DiplomacyThe 119th US Congress' Strategy Towards Iran
Based on the Theory of Coercive Diplomacy8911022181110.22034/irr.2025.517880.2697FAMostafaDelavarpour AghdamAssistant Professor of Political Science of Majlis Research Center. Tehran, Iran.0009-0005-8868-8069Journal Article20250419One of the fundamental issues of the Islamic Republic's foreign policy is to explain the policies of the US Congress towards Iran and to adopt appropriate initiatives to realize the desired hypothesis. Two hypotheses are conceivable regarding the US Congress' strategy. The main hypothesis is based on the framework of the theory of coercive diplomacy and considers maximum pressure and escalating political-economic costs, along with the threat of military action, as the driving force for political compromise and changes in Iran's regional, nuclear, and missile policies. Military threats, sanctions, psychological operations, and consultations with the European Union Troika to activate the trigger mechanism are the four levers of pressure used by the US Congress to influence and regulate diplomatic processes with Iran. Some analysts also believe in the rival hypothesis and consider the continuation of the maximum pressure campaign, because its pressures are transferred to the vulnerable classes, as a factor of internal cohesion and maximum resistance against the United States and an increase in the likelihood of Iran's aggressive behavior in all three areas of regional policies, uranium enrichment, and missile deterrence. The present study is strategic-applied in terms of its purpose and descriptive-explanatory in terms of its nature and method. The innovation of this study is that by analyzing the content of the documents and evidence of the behavior of Congress, it examines the possibility of realizing each of the main and rival hypotheses and proposes solutions to confront the threats and maximize the benefits of the opportunities.One of the fundamental issues of the Islamic Republic's foreign policy is to explain the policies of the US Congress towards Iran and to adopt appropriate initiatives to realize the desired hypothesis. Two hypotheses are conceivable regarding the US Congress' strategy. The main hypothesis is based on the framework of the theory of coercive diplomacy and considers maximum pressure and escalating political-economic costs, along with the threat of military action, as the driving force for political compromise and changes in Iran's regional, nuclear, and missile policies. Military threats, sanctions, psychological operations, and consultations with the European Union Troika to activate the trigger mechanism are the four levers of pressure used by the US Congress to influence and regulate diplomatic processes with Iran. Some analysts also believe in the rival hypothesis and consider the continuation of the maximum pressure campaign, because its pressures are transferred to the vulnerable classes, as a factor of internal cohesion and maximum resistance against the United States and an increase in the likelihood of Iran's aggressive behavior in all three areas of regional policies, uranium enrichment, and missile deterrence. The present study is strategic-applied in terms of its purpose and descriptive-explanatory in terms of its nature and method. The innovation of this study is that by analyzing the content of the documents and evidence of the behavior of Congress, it examines the possibility of realizing each of the main and rival hypotheses and proposes solutions to confront the threats and maximize the benefits of the opportunities.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_221811_d8d4881bf8743b48202e88878d7143b8.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421Investigating the political culture of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Türkiye (before and after the 2019 elections)Investigating the political culture of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Türkiye (before and after the 2019 elections)11114121350210.22034/irr.2025.472252.2580FAYounesSoleimaniMaster of Sociology at University of GuilanMohammad RezaGholami ShekarsaraieAssistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities, University of Guilan, Rasht, IranHadiNooriAssistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities, University of Guilan, Rasht, IranJournal Article20240809After numerous victories in previous elections, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) ceded elections in some of Turkey's major cities to rival parties. This field research aims to identify changes in the prevailing political culture of the AKP in the periods before and after the 2019 elections. Additionally, this research seeks to answer the question of whether the AKP, as the ruling party, possesses an inclusive and ideological political culture. The results of the research indicate that the ruling party, as a moderate Islamist party, is an inclusive and ideological ruling party. Before and after the 2019 elections, it adopted policies that differed from those before 2019 in areas such as the reconstruction of national and Islamic identity, the performance of educational institutions, interactions with ethnic and religious minorities, and relations with opposition parties. Based on the frequency table and bar chart above, out of a total of 208 direct and indirect references by key members of the AKP (Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Binali Yıldırım, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, and Süleyman Soylu) to inclusive components, 136 cases (65.4%) were made before the 2019 elections and 72 cases (34.6%) after the 2019 elections. According to the frequency table and bar chart above, out of a total of 174 direct and indirect references by key members of the AKP to ideological components, 84 cases (48.3%) were made before the 2019 elections and 90 cases (51.7%) after the 2019 elections.After numerous victories in previous elections, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) ceded elections in some of Turkey's major cities to rival parties. This field research aims to identify changes in the prevailing political culture of the AKP in the periods before and after the 2019 elections. Additionally, this research seeks to answer the question of whether the AKP, as the ruling party, possesses an inclusive and ideological political culture. The results of the research indicate that the ruling party, as a moderate Islamist party, is an inclusive and ideological ruling party. Before and after the 2019 elections, it adopted policies that differed from those before 2019 in areas such as the reconstruction of national and Islamic identity, the performance of educational institutions, interactions with ethnic and religious minorities, and relations with opposition parties. Based on the frequency table and bar chart above, out of a total of 208 direct and indirect references by key members of the AKP (Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Binali Yıldırım, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, and Süleyman Soylu) to inclusive components, 136 cases (65.4%) were made before the 2019 elections and 72 cases (34.6%) after the 2019 elections. According to the frequency table and bar chart above, out of a total of 174 direct and indirect references by key members of the AKP to ideological components, 84 cases (48.3%) were made before the 2019 elections and 90 cases (51.7%) after the 2019 elections.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_213502_fcd9a0e76ed4928a78f40d36444df48e.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421Geopolitical analysis of the reasons for the prolongation of the Western Sahara conflictGeopolitical analysis of the reasons for the prolongation of the Western Sahara conflict14316920488710.22034/irr.2024.446240.2516FAYasharZakiAssociate Professor, Department of Political Geography, Faculty of Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran. Iran0000-0002-7117-0360JavadGholamiM.A. in Political Geography, Faculty of Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.0000-0002-5914-6915Journal Article20240229One of the topics discussed in political geography and geopolitics is the investigation of conflicts with the roots of geographical values among actors of different levels in sub-national and transnational scales. The stability of geographical values hidden in the foundations of a tension and conflict causes the continuation of the conflict process. As long as one of the parties does not give up all or part of the benefits of those values, the conflict process will continue. The Western Sahara conflict, as one of the threats to security and sustainable development in North Africa, started more than half a century ago and continues until now. Although the volume of conflicts in this territory has been reduced; But this crisis, like a fire under the ashes, has the capacity to flare up and start a big tension for North Africa. This research, with a descriptive-analytical approach, using Persian and Latin library sources, using a cartographic analysis of the conflict and gathering the views of the parties to the conflict, has evaluated and investigated the causes of the prolongation of this conflict. The findings of the research confirm that the reasons for the continuation of the conflict in the Western Sahara can be separated into three categories of geopolitical, ideological and geoeconomic factors. Factors such as the incomplete process of decolonization, the buffer zone, the interference of foreign countries, the weakness of international organizations, the expansionist ideology of the neighbors, along with the extensive resources and reserves of the Western Sahara,One of the topics discussed in political geography and geopolitics is the investigation of conflicts with the roots of geographical values among actors of different levels in sub-national and transnational scales. The stability of geographical values hidden in the foundations of a tension and conflict causes the continuation of the conflict process. As long as one of the parties does not give up all or part of the benefits of those values, the conflict process will continue. The Western Sahara conflict, as one of the threats to security and sustainable development in North Africa, started more than half a century ago and continues until now. Although the volume of conflicts in this territory has been reduced; But this crisis, like a fire under the ashes, has the capacity to flare up and start a big tension for North Africa. This research, with a descriptive-analytical approach, using Persian and Latin library sources, using a cartographic analysis of the conflict and gathering the views of the parties to the conflict, has evaluated and investigated the causes of the prolongation of this conflict. The findings of the research confirm that the reasons for the continuation of the conflict in the Western Sahara can be separated into three categories of geopolitical, ideological and geoeconomic factors. Factors such as the incomplete process of decolonization, the buffer zone, the interference of foreign countries, the weakness of international organizations, the expansionist ideology of the neighbors, along with the extensive resources and reserves of the Western Sahara,https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_204887_d57e4b3993f619c87c327f20f1c5cf83.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421contract suspension in international lawcontract suspension in international law17119021935310.22034/irr.2024.475594.2589FASeyedeh MaryamAsadinejad, private law faculty member, law department, Ahrar Institute of Technology and Higher Education, Rasht, Iran.0000-0002-4807-4266Journal Article20240827Many domestic and international contracts and agreements between natural and legal persons and even international agreements between governments and international organizations may be suspended or conditional and subject to the realization or preparation and providing the necessary conditions or platform, so to speak, to be suspended. A suspended contract is one whose effect depends on another matter according to the clause. However, according to some jurists, a suspended contract is invalid. But their main reason is consensus. Due to the fact that currently pending contract is a conventional and common contract in all systems and in international law. For this reason, ruling to invalidate it in all cases is against the common practice and jurisprudence and legal principles. This research has been done analytically and descriptively by referring to the library and using reliable jurisprudential and legal sources. In this research, the types of suspension are discussed. Then, taking into account the structure of suspension in the will and Ja'ala(contract of reward) and Racing &shooting And based on the obligatory conditional and suspended format, the ruling is valid for the suspension of contracts.Many domestic and international contracts and agreements between natural and legal persons and even international agreements between governments and international organizations may be suspended or conditional and subject to the realization or preparation and providing the necessary conditions or platform, so to speak, to be suspended. A suspended contract is one whose effect depends on another matter according to the clause. However, according to some jurists, a suspended contract is invalid. But their main reason is consensus. Due to the fact that currently pending contract is a conventional and common contract in all systems and in international law. For this reason, ruling to invalidate it in all cases is against the common practice and jurisprudence and legal principles. This research has been done analytically and descriptively by referring to the library and using reliable jurisprudential and legal sources. In this research, the types of suspension are discussed. Then, taking into account the structure of suspension in the will and Ja'ala(contract of reward) and Racing &shooting And based on the obligatory conditional and suspended format, the ruling is valid for the suspension of contracts.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_219353_fd30301a85b78398c62a4ed69d089366.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421The Roots of Non-interaction of the Macro Policy-making System in Iran with Globalization; Presentation of SolutionThe Roots of Non-interaction of the Macro Policy-making System in Iran with Globalization; Presentation of Solution19122222189010.22034/irr.2025.453430.2537FAHosseinRafieAssociate Professor of Department of Political Scaience, University of Mazandaran, BabolsarMajidAbbaszadeh MarzbaliPh.D of Political Science of Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies, Tehran.0009-0004-5182-9350Journal Article20240421Policy-making is considered an important issue and a pivotal stage in the political process to meet the needs and provide national goals, especially the achievement of development. But from the point of view of this article in the macro policy-making system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially in the social - political spheres, we see fundamental conflicts that play an important role in its inefficiency and, as a result, the failure to fully achieve the goals. they had national (development); One of the most important of these confrontations is the duality between domestic politics and global developments, whose main characteristic of the last few decades is the phenomenon of globalization. From the point of view of this article, the root of this duality lies in the idealistic/ideological nature of the macro policy-making system of the Islamic Republicand the belief that this state is based on the West/America-centeredness and hegemonic nature of the world system and globalization and the necessity It is to deal with them. According to this research, for these reasons, this policy-making system has not been able to take advantage of the opportunities of globalization in order to make itself more efficient and develop the country. Based on this, the article believes that the state of the Islamic Republic of Iran should pay attention to the phenomenon of globalization with a realistic approach and actively interact with it by avoiding the idealistic and confrontational approach in order to make the macro policy-making system more efficient.Policy-making is considered an important issue and a pivotal stage in the political process to meet the needs and provide national goals, especially the achievement of development. But from the point of view of this article in the macro policy-making system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially in the social - political spheres, we see fundamental conflicts that play an important role in its inefficiency and, as a result, the failure to fully achieve the goals. they had national (development); One of the most important of these confrontations is the duality between domestic politics and global developments, whose main characteristic of the last few decades is the phenomenon of globalization. From the point of view of this article, the root of this duality lies in the idealistic/ideological nature of the macro policy-making system of the Islamic Republicand the belief that this state is based on the West/America-centeredness and hegemonic nature of the world system and globalization and the necessity It is to deal with them. According to this research, for these reasons, this policy-making system has not been able to take advantage of the opportunities of globalization in order to make itself more efficient and develop the country. Based on this, the article believes that the state of the Islamic Republic of Iran should pay attention to the phenomenon of globalization with a realistic approach and actively interact with it by avoiding the idealistic and confrontational approach in order to make the macro policy-making system more efficient.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_221890_ee0831d47371cc82d2fe65a0faf1906c.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421The goals and challenges of smart power in People's Republic of China’s foreign policyThe goals and challenges of smart power in People's Republic of China’s foreign policy22325022424310.22034/irr.2025.492123.2638FAAlirezaKoohkanAssociate Professor, Department of International Relations, Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran, Iran0000-0002-3594-4154ErfanEbrahimiMaster's student in Regional Studies, Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran, Iran.0009-0007-7524-7365Journal Article20241203, China's rise to power is considered as the most important political-economic challenge for the United States of America, which has directly affected the international system and its structure. On the other hand, in the eyes of the public opinion of the world, a kind of "China threat" has been promoted, which is considered a serious obstacle in the direction of advancing the foreign policy goals of the Chinese. Parallel to the rapid and stable growth of China's economy, the hard power of that country is also growing rapidly, and this will increase the pessimism of the world and create an unfavorable environment for that country; An environment that needs to be refined by applying soft power. , in line with its growth and development, China needs a strategy that combines two hard and soft powers at the same time and takes action in foreign policy. According to the authors, smart power is a suitable strategy in acting and strengthening China's development in the direction of foreign policy. This article seeks to describe and identify smart power, and in this research, an attempt is made to answer the question, what are China's goals and challenges in using smart power in foreign policy? hypothesis says that China's goal of smart power is to realize the policy of "cooperation while competing" and its challenges are the debt trap, the threat of China, the corona Covid19, the unattractiveness of culture, weakness in public diplomacy, differences with neighbors and imbalance between growth economic-military., China's rise to power is considered as the most important political-economic challenge for the United States of America, which has directly affected the international system and its structure. On the other hand, in the eyes of the public opinion of the world, a kind of "China threat" has been promoted, which is considered a serious obstacle in the direction of advancing the foreign policy goals of the Chinese. Parallel to the rapid and stable growth of China's economy, the hard power of that country is also growing rapidly, and this will increase the pessimism of the world and create an unfavorable environment for that country; An environment that needs to be refined by applying soft power. , in line with its growth and development, China needs a strategy that combines two hard and soft powers at the same time and takes action in foreign policy. According to the authors, smart power is a suitable strategy in acting and strengthening China's development in the direction of foreign policy. This article seeks to describe and identify smart power, and in this research, an attempt is made to answer the question, what are China's goals and challenges in using smart power in foreign policy? hypothesis says that China's goal of smart power is to realize the policy of "cooperation while competing" and its challenges are the debt trap, the threat of China, the corona Covid19, the unattractiveness of culture, weakness in public diplomacy, differences with neighbors and imbalance between growth economic-military.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_224243_f0bd36d262f29670427f491163e1e4d2.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421The relationship between the right to self-determination and the principle of territorial integrity in the practice of the United Nations Security CouncilThe relationship between the right to self-determination and the principle of territorial integrity in the practice of the United Nations Security Council25127222871810.22034/irr.2025.539774.2746FAHosseinDehghan ZargabadPhD Student, Department of International Law, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran.AhmadrezaSoleimanzadehAssistant Professor, Department of Law, Urmia Branch, Islamic Azad University, Urmia, Iran.ArminAminiAssociate Professor, Department of International Relations, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran.Journal Article20250806The United Nations Security Council, as the main body responsible for maintaining international peace and security, has faced crises in which the conflict between the principle of the right to self-determination of nations and the principle of preserving the territorial integrity of states has been manifested. This article seeks to clarify the patterns of the Council's dealing with this conflict by examining the fundamental concepts of these two principles and the legal analysis of the Security Council's performance in cases such as East Timor, Abkhazia, Crimea, and especially Nagorno-Karabakh. The authors are trying to show, based on the findings of the article, that the Security Council in its practice often emphasizes maintaining international stability and respecting territorial integrity. However, in exceptional and special cases where it has faced widespread human rights violations or lack of real representation by the central government, it has tended to favor the right to self-determination and has approved it.This article concludes that the UN Security Council has relied on political and security considerations rather than purely legal rules in balancing the two principles.The United Nations Security Council, as the main body responsible for maintaining international peace and security, has faced crises in which the conflict between the principle of the right to self-determination of nations and the principle of preserving the territorial integrity of states has been manifested. This article seeks to clarify the patterns of the Council's dealing with this conflict by examining the fundamental concepts of these two principles and the legal analysis of the Security Council's performance in cases such as East Timor, Abkhazia, Crimea, and especially Nagorno-Karabakh. The authors are trying to show, based on the findings of the article, that the Security Council in its practice often emphasizes maintaining international stability and respecting territorial integrity. However, in exceptional and special cases where it has faced widespread human rights violations or lack of real representation by the central government, it has tended to favor the right to self-determination and has approved it.This article concludes that the UN Security Council has relied on political and security considerations rather than purely legal rules in balancing the two principles.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_228718_da23de5810e335573c5e0905de70b461.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421Genealogy of Shiite Political Theology in IranGenealogy of Shiite Political Theology in Iran27329223725410.22034/irr.2025.551153.2777FAMohammad RezaAnsariDepartment of Political Science, Ta.C.,Islamic Azad University, Tabriz, Iran.AlirezaEsmailzadDepartment of Political Science, Ta.C.,Islamic Azad University, Tabriz, Iran.EhsanShakeri KhoeiDepartment of Philosophy, Ta.C.,Islamic Azad University, Tabriz, Iran.Seyed EbrahimAghazadehDepartment of Philosophy, Ta.C.,Islamic Azad University, Tabriz, Iran.Journal Article20251004Studies in the field of political theology are becoming more widespread day by day, but the question of the nature and essence of this branch, as well as the process of historical developments and the genealogy of the works that the central thoughts of this issue leave in different societies, still remains one of the key and important issues. The genealogy of political theology in Iran is also one of the important and complex topics that examines the history, backgrounds, formation and evolution of concepts and attitudes related to this field. In this regard, it is necessary to pay attention to the views of global scholars and thinkers in this field in addition to the developments related to political jurisprudence. Therefore, in this article, which was carried out using a descriptive-analytical method and using library sources and texts; considering the influential approaches of political theology in Iran, this issue has been compared and analyzed with the views of two of the most important Western thinkers in the field of political theology, namely "Carl Schmitt" and "Jan Assmann". After examining the views of these scholars in explaining and understanding Shiite political theology in Iran, a more comprehensive solution is presented through a third perspective. In this view, the combination and dialectic between theology and politicization is proposed as an effective approach that can better explain the mutual effects of politics, jurisprudence, and Sharia in the context of Iran.Studies in the field of political theology are becoming more widespread day by day, but the question of the nature and essence of this branch, as well as the process of historical developments and the genealogy of the works that the central thoughts of this issue leave in different societies, still remains one of the key and important issues. The genealogy of political theology in Iran is also one of the important and complex topics that examines the history, backgrounds, formation and evolution of concepts and attitudes related to this field. In this regard, it is necessary to pay attention to the views of global scholars and thinkers in this field in addition to the developments related to political jurisprudence. Therefore, in this article, which was carried out using a descriptive-analytical method and using library sources and texts; considering the influential approaches of political theology in Iran, this issue has been compared and analyzed with the views of two of the most important Western thinkers in the field of political theology, namely "Carl Schmitt" and "Jan Assmann". After examining the views of these scholars in explaining and understanding Shiite political theology in Iran, a more comprehensive solution is presented through a third perspective. In this view, the combination and dialectic between theology and politicization is proposed as an effective approach that can better explain the mutual effects of politics, jurisprudence, and Sharia in the context of Iran.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_237254_3ed79e6026f2c197b31f368aadc3dd3f.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421The Supreme Leader's discourse in light of the JCPOA towards Western powersThe Supreme Leader's discourse in light of the JCPOA towards Western powers29331124264410.22034/irr.2026.576414.2831FAMeysamBrazandehDepartment of Political Science, Zah.C., Islamic Azad University, Zahedan, Iran.SoltanaliMirDepartment of Political Science, Zah.C., Islamic Azad University, Zahedan, Iran.AhmadrezaTaheriDepartment of Political Science, Zah.C., Islamic Azad University, Zahedan, Iran.Journal Article20260217The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), as one of the most complex and challenging issues in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, has always been a point of contention between different perspectives in the field of diplomacy. This article, using a descriptive-analytical approach, evaluates the performance of Iranian diplomacy in interacting with Western governments in the JCPOA affair. The main focus of this research is to explain and analyze these relations based on the discursive axes of the Supreme Leader (Ayatollah Ali Khamenei), who has always emphasized principles such as “not trusting the West,” “relying on domestic power,” “being vigilant against influence,” and “preserving national interests and sustainable security.” This article shows that the JCPOA experience, especially the unilateral withdrawal of the United States from the agreement in 2018 and the failure of European countries to adhere to their commitments, clearly proved the correctness and correctness of the Revolutionary Leader’s strategic analyses based on the treaty-breaking and unreliable nature of Western governments. A review of developments in recent years (1402 to 1404) also confirms the point that any illusion and Westernization in diplomacy not only does not lead to solving economic problems, but also places the country in a state of passivity and deeper dependence. The results of this research indicate that successful diplomacy against the West is diplomacy based on “interaction from a position of power” and “complete independence,” not diplomacy based on begging and compromise.The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), as one of the most complex and challenging issues in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, has always been a point of contention between different perspectives in the field of diplomacy. This article, using a descriptive-analytical approach, evaluates the performance of Iranian diplomacy in interacting with Western governments in the JCPOA affair. The main focus of this research is to explain and analyze these relations based on the discursive axes of the Supreme Leader (Ayatollah Ali Khamenei), who has always emphasized principles such as “not trusting the West,” “relying on domestic power,” “being vigilant against influence,” and “preserving national interests and sustainable security.” This article shows that the JCPOA experience, especially the unilateral withdrawal of the United States from the agreement in 2018 and the failure of European countries to adhere to their commitments, clearly proved the correctness and correctness of the Revolutionary Leader’s strategic analyses based on the treaty-breaking and unreliable nature of Western governments. A review of developments in recent years (1402 to 1404) also confirms the point that any illusion and Westernization in diplomacy not only does not lead to solving economic problems, but also places the country in a state of passivity and deeper dependence. The results of this research indicate that successful diplomacy against the West is diplomacy based on “interaction from a position of power” and “complete independence,” not diplomacy based on begging and compromise.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_242644_aaeee33dfaa350af3d7ced283df0cde1.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421Analyzing the Role of University Faculty in the Political Socialization of Graduate Students: A Case Study of Shiraz University in the Context of Transnational Academic InteractionsAnalyzing the Role of University Faculty in the Political Socialization of Graduate Students: A Case Study of Shiraz University in the Context of Transnational Academic Interactions31534124345510.22034/irr.2026.581047.2849FAHosseinPourgholamPhD Candidate in Political Science-Sociology, Shrz.C., Islamic Azad University, Shiraz, IranAlirezaBiabannavard SarvestaniCorresponding Author, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Shiraz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Shiraz, Iran.KaramatollahRasekhAssociate Professor, Department of Political Sociology, Shrz.C, Islamic Azad University, Shiraz, IranJournal Article20250307Universities, as key institutions for elite training, play a vital role in the process of political socialization, which gains added significance at the postgraduate level due to the depth of academic interactions. This research aims to analyze the role of Shiraz University professors in the political socialization of postgraduate students within the context of transnational academic interactions and to explain how they influence students’ political attitudes, values, and behaviors. The research method is based on a mixed-methods approach, including qualitative content analysis of findings from semi-structured interviews with experts and an examination of documents related to the university’s international interactions, employing an explanatory approach for data analysis. Findings indicate that professors influence students’ political insights through three main mechanisms: critical educational guidance, behavioral role-modeling in the academic environment, and the transfer of lived experiences from transnational academic interactions. These interactions lead to the broadening of intellectual horizons, the strengthening of a questioning spirit, and the enhancement of sensitivity toward social and global issues among students. Ultimately, the research concludes that political socialization in the university context extends beyond the mere transmission of political concepts and leads to the formation of social capital and informed activism. By linking specialized knowledge to social responsibilities, professors play a key role in nurturing participatory and responsible elites capable of analyzing power structures and public issues within the framework of university political culture at both national and international levels.Universities, as key institutions for elite training, play a vital role in the process of political socialization, which gains added significance at the postgraduate level due to the depth of academic interactions. This research aims to analyze the role of Shiraz University professors in the political socialization of postgraduate students within the context of transnational academic interactions and to explain how they influence students’ political attitudes, values, and behaviors. The research method is based on a mixed-methods approach, including qualitative content analysis of findings from semi-structured interviews with experts and an examination of documents related to the university’s international interactions, employing an explanatory approach for data analysis. Findings indicate that professors influence students’ political insights through three main mechanisms: critical educational guidance, behavioral role-modeling in the academic environment, and the transfer of lived experiences from transnational academic interactions. These interactions lead to the broadening of intellectual horizons, the strengthening of a questioning spirit, and the enhancement of sensitivity toward social and global issues among students. Ultimately, the research concludes that political socialization in the university context extends beyond the mere transmission of political concepts and leads to the formation of social capital and informed activism. By linking specialized knowledge to social responsibilities, professors play a key role in nurturing participatory and responsible elites capable of analyzing power structures and public issues within the framework of university political culture at both national and international levels.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_243455_351bc5445a1749906ed1b61cc4558ddc.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415120250421Extraterritorial jurisdiction of competition law in the European UnionExtraterritorial jurisdiction of competition law in the European Union34337024653710.22034/irr.2024.448641.2524FAGolalehAbdollah PourPhD student in International Law, North Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranFathullahRahimiPhD in International Law, North Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20240316Jurisdiction is one of the inherent elements of sovereignty over land. The development of the interests of governments beyond territorial borders has led to the adoption of criteria for the exercise of extraterritorial jurisdiction. Extraterritorial jurisdiction can be defined in three levels: legal, judicial and executive. In terms of legal order, in all lawsuits, the issue of the jurisdiction of a court is considered first, then the issue of legal jurisdiction and finally the issuance of an executive order is raised. The degree of legitimacy of these qualifications will be different according to the historical, philosophical and conceptual approach in general international law. By observing international law texts, one can understand the pros and cons of the legitimacy of extraterritorial jurisdictions. Therefore, even those who are in favor of extraterritorial jurisdiction do not deny the adverse consequences of these jurisdictions. However, it is necessary to provide a solution to the problem of extraterritorial jurisdiction. The purpose of this research is to investigate the extraterritorial validity of competition rights in the European Union. In this research, we will collect information in the way of library study and then analyze them.Jurisdiction is one of the inherent elements of sovereignty over land. The development of the interests of governments beyond territorial borders has led to the adoption of criteria for the exercise of extraterritorial jurisdiction. Extraterritorial jurisdiction can be defined in three levels: legal, judicial and executive. In terms of legal order, in all lawsuits, the issue of the jurisdiction of a court is considered first, then the issue of legal jurisdiction and finally the issuance of an executive order is raised. The degree of legitimacy of these qualifications will be different according to the historical, philosophical and conceptual approach in general international law. By observing international law texts, one can understand the pros and cons of the legitimacy of extraterritorial jurisdictions. Therefore, even those who are in favor of extraterritorial jurisdiction do not deny the adverse consequences of these jurisdictions. However, it is necessary to provide a solution to the problem of extraterritorial jurisdiction. The purpose of this research is to investigate the extraterritorial validity of competition rights in the European Union. In this research, we will collect information in the way of library study and then analyze them.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_246537_e5cb9184cd831a1e992774cf52df10f7.pdf