The Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415420260220The foreign policy of Russia towards the countries of the Global SouthThe foreign policy of Russia towards the countries of the Global South73323472610.22034/irr.2025.533757.2724FAJahangirKaramiUniversity of Tehran Faculty of World Studies, University of Tehran, Faculty of Law and Political Science0000-0001-8815-7069Seyed Amir BahadorHashemiFaculty of World Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran0009-0009-0974-4309Journal Article20250711The intensification of tensions between Russia and the West—particularly following the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the war in Ukraine in 2022—has resulted in significant shifts in Russia’s foreign policy. Moscow’s dissatisfaction with the U.S.-dominated international system, along with the growing discontent of Global South countries over their marginal position in global governance structures, has paved the way for a strategic pivot toward these nations. The Global South, consisting mainly of post-colonial developing countries with increasing economic and geopolitical significance, has emerged as a critical player in international affairs. In light of this context, the main research question is: How can Russia’s foreign policy toward Global South countries be explained. The core hypothesis is that Russia, facing isolation and pressure from Western sanctions, seeks to strengthen its political, economic, and military relations with the Global South to both mitigate the impact of sanctions and promote a more multipolar international system that challenges Western dominance. This study employs a descriptive-analytical method, relying on library sources, official documents, academic articles, and an examination of current global trends to explore the scope and implications of Russia’s engagement with the Global South. Findings indicate that Russia utilizes a wide range of instruments—including military and security cooperation, arms exports, energy partnerships, and participation in international organizations such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization—to increase its influence. However, this approach faces significant challenges, notably strategic rivalry with China and domestic economic constraints that limit Russia’s long-term capacity for global outreach.The intensification of tensions between Russia and the West—particularly following the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the war in Ukraine in 2022—has resulted in significant shifts in Russia’s foreign policy. Moscow’s dissatisfaction with the U.S.-dominated international system, along with the growing discontent of Global South countries over their marginal position in global governance structures, has paved the way for a strategic pivot toward these nations. The Global South, consisting mainly of post-colonial developing countries with increasing economic and geopolitical significance, has emerged as a critical player in international affairs. In light of this context, the main research question is: How can Russia’s foreign policy toward Global South countries be explained. The core hypothesis is that Russia, facing isolation and pressure from Western sanctions, seeks to strengthen its political, economic, and military relations with the Global South to both mitigate the impact of sanctions and promote a more multipolar international system that challenges Western dominance. This study employs a descriptive-analytical method, relying on library sources, official documents, academic articles, and an examination of current global trends to explore the scope and implications of Russia’s engagement with the Global South. Findings indicate that Russia utilizes a wide range of instruments—including military and security cooperation, arms exports, energy partnerships, and participation in international organizations such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization—to increase its influence. However, this approach faces significant challenges, notably strategic rivalry with China and domestic economic constraints that limit Russia’s long-term capacity for global outreach.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_234726_da83d00bd76eaa8eae0824241becc4ec.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415420260220An Analysis of the Considerations and Indicators of Iran and Turkey's Behavioral Pattern in the Kirkuk Crisis (2017–2018)An Analysis of the Considerations and Indicators of Iran and Turkey's Behavioral Pattern in the Kirkuk Crisis (2017–2018)356123550010.22034/irr.2025.526678.2708FARahmanHaririCorresponding Author, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Razi University, Kermanshah, Iran. r.hariri@razi.ac.ir0000-0001-9799-8943SaywanSaywan MoradiMaster's Student in International Relations, Razi University, Kermanshah, Iran. Saywanmoradi955@gmail.com0009-0007-3919-0322KamranLotfiAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Razi University, Kermanshah, Iran. klotfei@yahoo.com0000-0002-5498-2447Journal Article20250528The Kurdish issue has been one of the most significant matters in the Middle East over the past century.The conflict between the Safavid and Ottoman empires, along with the division of the Kurds among various countries, can be seen as the starting point that transformed the Kurdish issue from a domestic matter into a regional one. Therefore, developments surrounding the Kurdish question have been of great importance to regional countries. Among these, the issue of Kirkuk stands out due to its energy resources and the presence of diverse ethnic groups, giving the province's political issues a regional dimension.This study examines the status of Kirkuk in the Iraqi Constitution and, with an emphasis on crisis management behavior patterns such as aggressive, inconsiderate, cautious, responsible, and rule-based behavior, offers an analytical view of the behavioral patterns of Iran and Turkey during the Kirkuk crisis and the Iraqi army's attack on the province in 2017. Accordingly, the main question of this article is: based on what indicators can Iran and Turkey's behavioral patterns regarding the Kirkuk crisis be understood and evaluated? In response to this question and using Benjamin Miller's crisis management theory, the hypothesis is formulated that Iran and Turkey's behavior in Kirkuk was aggressive, as Kurdish control over Kirkuk could pave the way for the independence of the KGR, and given the presence of Kurds in these countries, such a development could increase their demands.It is worth noting that the research method employed in this article is descriptive-analytical.The Kurdish issue has been one of the most significant matters in the Middle East over the past century.The conflict between the Safavid and Ottoman empires, along with the division of the Kurds among various countries, can be seen as the starting point that transformed the Kurdish issue from a domestic matter into a regional one. Therefore, developments surrounding the Kurdish question have been of great importance to regional countries. Among these, the issue of Kirkuk stands out due to its energy resources and the presence of diverse ethnic groups, giving the province's political issues a regional dimension.This study examines the status of Kirkuk in the Iraqi Constitution and, with an emphasis on crisis management behavior patterns such as aggressive, inconsiderate, cautious, responsible, and rule-based behavior, offers an analytical view of the behavioral patterns of Iran and Turkey during the Kirkuk crisis and the Iraqi army's attack on the province in 2017. Accordingly, the main question of this article is: based on what indicators can Iran and Turkey's behavioral patterns regarding the Kirkuk crisis be understood and evaluated? In response to this question and using Benjamin Miller's crisis management theory, the hypothesis is formulated that Iran and Turkey's behavior in Kirkuk was aggressive, as Kurdish control over Kirkuk could pave the way for the independence of the KGR, and given the presence of Kurds in these countries, such a development could increase their demands.It is worth noting that the research method employed in this article is descriptive-analytical.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_235500_e5065dcfc6cc56d136c92f241e244ee7.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415420260220America and China competition in the Asia-Pacific geopolitical regionAmerica and China competition in the Asia-Pacific geopolitical region638024279410.22034/irr.2025.568256.2815FAAmirRaoshanAssistant Professor of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Yazd University, Yazd, Iran.MohsenJamshidiJamshidi PhD in Political Science, Political Researcher and Lecturer in the Department of Political Science and International Relations, Payam Noor University, Tehran, Iran.0000-0001-8694-0324Journal Article20251223One of the main issues that has attracted the attention of all analysts of the international system from the perspective of strategic studies is the competition between the United States and China in the Asia-Pacific regional environment. What parameters are affected by the United States' strategy to prevent China's rise and becoming a hegemon? It seems that the United States, by adopting a new hegemonic strategy and with a strategy of offshore balance and influence in the Asia-Pacific regional environment, is trying to pressure and prevent China from becoming a hegemon through specific patterns. The present study is of an applied type, with a qualitative-interpretative method and a descriptive-analytical approach. The findings of the study show that, according to geostrategic patterns, the United States, as a hegemon in the global geopolitical system, is afraid of the emergence of another hegemonic power (China) in the environment and is trying to limit this advance through geopolitical territorialization. The Asia-Pacific geopolitical space has geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic importance for China and in fact this region acts as China's Achilles heel. The US's macro-strategic trends in the Asia-Pacific regional environment are planned by adopting a strategy of offshore balancing through components such as alliance and balancing, QUAD, ECOS and B3W better global reconstruction. In contrast, China's response to advance its strategy is, in short, a rise to hegemony and environmental opening through the Belt and Road Initiative and the New Silk Road.One of the main issues that has attracted the attention of all analysts of the international system from the perspective of strategic studies is the competition between the United States and China in the Asia-Pacific regional environment. What parameters are affected by the United States' strategy to prevent China's rise and becoming a hegemon? It seems that the United States, by adopting a new hegemonic strategy and with a strategy of offshore balance and influence in the Asia-Pacific regional environment, is trying to pressure and prevent China from becoming a hegemon through specific patterns. The present study is of an applied type, with a qualitative-interpretative method and a descriptive-analytical approach. The findings of the study show that, according to geostrategic patterns, the United States, as a hegemon in the global geopolitical system, is afraid of the emergence of another hegemonic power (China) in the environment and is trying to limit this advance through geopolitical territorialization. The Asia-Pacific geopolitical space has geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic importance for China and in fact this region acts as China's Achilles heel. The US's macro-strategic trends in the Asia-Pacific regional environment are planned by adopting a strategy of offshore balancing through components such as alliance and balancing, QUAD, ECOS and B3W better global reconstruction. In contrast, China's response to advance its strategy is, in short, a rise to hegemony and environmental opening through the Belt and Road Initiative and the New Silk Road.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_242794_291e52d9fa159bf59b7c1a3f2fecac2b.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415420260618The "Limited Technological Sovereignty" Model: Explaining South Korea's Coercive Adaptation in the Chip SectorThe "Limited Technological Sovereignty" Model: Explaining South Korea's Coercive Adaptation in the Chip Sector8110324269310.22034/irr.2026.573124.2824FAMehdiAbbaszadeh FathabadiCorresponding Author, Associate Professor in International Relations, Department of Political Science, Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman, Kerman, Iran, abbaszadeh@uk.ac.irMosayyebRostami KhanmakaniMaster of Arts in Political Science, Department of Political Science, Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman, Kerman, Iran. m.rostami@uk.ac.irJournal ArticleIn the transition of the international order from liberal interdependence to “coercive geoeconomics,” the instrumentalization of semiconductor supply chains has challenged the efficacy of traditional middle power strategies such as “balancing.” Focusing on the structural paradox of South Korea, this study seeks to answer the question of why Seoul has been forced to fully align with the United States despite the enormous economic costs. Introducing the innovative concept of “limited technological sovereignty,” this paper argues that having “production capabilities” without control over “exclusive upstream technologies” (such as American equipment and software) deprives middle powers of strategic agency. Using causal process tracing methodology, this study traces the mechanism of pressure transmission from the US 2022 export controls to Korea’s domestic political economy and shows how Seoul has shifted from a balancing strategy to a behavioral model of “coercive compliance.” A situation in which the actor accepts certain economic losses (a 78.1% drop in investment in China) to ward off technological existential risks. The research findings suggest that “limited technological sovereignty” is not an exception, but rather, as a new analytical lens, has the potential to explain the behavior of other “techno-industrial” powers such as the Netherlands and Japan in the new bipolar order.In the transition of the international order from liberal interdependence to “coercive geoeconomics,” the instrumentalization of semiconductor supply chains has challenged the efficacy of traditional middle power strategies such as “balancing.” Focusing on the structural paradox of South Korea, this study seeks to answer the question of why Seoul has been forced to fully align with the United States despite the enormous economic costs. Introducing the innovative concept of “limited technological sovereignty,” this paper argues that having “production capabilities” without control over “exclusive upstream technologies” (such as American equipment and software) deprives middle powers of strategic agency. Using causal process tracing methodology, this study traces the mechanism of pressure transmission from the US 2022 export controls to Korea’s domestic political economy and shows how Seoul has shifted from a balancing strategy to a behavioral model of “coercive compliance.” A situation in which the actor accepts certain economic losses (a 78.1% drop in investment in China) to ward off technological existential risks. The research findings suggest that “limited technological sovereignty” is not an exception, but rather, as a new analytical lens, has the potential to explain the behavior of other “techno-industrial” powers such as the Netherlands and Japan in the new bipolar order.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_242693_3c43938ab9f64d623e304c6f452581d8.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415420260220Analysis of the U.S-China hegemonic rivalry: emphasis on the Trump presidencyAnalysis of the U.S-China hegemonic rivalry: emphasis on the Trump presidency10513324265610.22034/irr.2026.575768.2830FARaufRahimiCorresponding Author, Assistant Professor of Political Sciences at the University of Bojnord, , Bojnord, Iran. r.rahimi@ub.ac.ir0000-0002-8447-4531Journal Article20260214The competition for hegemony between China and the United States is expected to intensify over time. Even if the current trade war between these tow power concludes, similar types of conflict are likely to recure as long as the U.S-China hegemonic rivalry persists. Using an explanatory research method, this article examines the competition between the U.S and China through the lenses of hegemonic stability theory and power transition theory. The central question addressed is: what happens when an established power and an emerging state confront one another in global politics? The hypothesis proposed is that the outcome depends largely on the strategic choices of the established power toward the emerging power. The practice, American fear of its declining hegemony and the rapid rise of China as a rival has driven the strategic choices of U.S leaders- from Obama to Trump and Biden- ranging from competition and trade wars to occasional compromise. The findings indicate that the root cause of the rivalry and trade war between the world's two largest economies is primarily political: specifically, a struggle for global hegemony. Consequently, the United States does not impose tariffs on Chinese goods merely to improve its trade balance rather.it seeks to contain and manage China to preserve its own global dominance. Therefore, a comprehensive understanding of the U.S -China trade war requires careful attention to the significance of the power competition between these two nationsThe competition for hegemony between China and the United States is expected to intensify over time. Even if the current trade war between these tow power concludes, similar types of conflict are likely to recure as long as the U.S-China hegemonic rivalry persists. Using an explanatory research method, this article examines the competition between the U.S and China through the lenses of hegemonic stability theory and power transition theory. The central question addressed is: what happens when an established power and an emerging state confront one another in global politics? The hypothesis proposed is that the outcome depends largely on the strategic choices of the established power toward the emerging power. The practice, American fear of its declining hegemony and the rapid rise of China as a rival has driven the strategic choices of U.S leaders- from Obama to Trump and Biden- ranging from competition and trade wars to occasional compromise. The findings indicate that the root cause of the rivalry and trade war between the world's two largest economies is primarily political: specifically, a struggle for global hegemony. Consequently, the United States does not impose tariffs on Chinese goods merely to improve its trade balance rather.it seeks to contain and manage China to preserve its own global dominance. Therefore, a comprehensive understanding of the U.S -China trade war requires careful attention to the significance of the power competition between these two nationshttps://www.iisajournals.ir/article_242656_6f5ed669d5a9981775f900aa26a0fae8.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415420260220China's AI development goals during Xi Jinping's term (2013-2024)China's AI development goals during Xi Jinping's term (2013-2024)13516424269110.22034/irr.2025.531781.2718FASamerehFasihi Moghadam LakaniPhD in International Relations, Department of Political Science, University of Guilan, Rasht, Iran.0000-0003-2692-989XRezaSimbarCorresponding author, Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Guilan, Rasht, Iran.0000-0001-5111-1075Journal Article20250629The emergence of artificial intelligence as a transformative technology is transforming the foundations of power, governance, and geopolitical competition in the contemporary international order. In this context, the People's Republic of China, especially under Xi Jinping's leadership, has adopted a hybrid and structured approach, making AI a key tool in advancing its multi-layered geostrategic goals. By combining the two theoretical frameworks of neoclassical realism and network theory, the present study seeks to analyze how the Xi Jinping government uses the purposeful development of AI to rearrange its position in the global order. The provisional hypothesis of this study, which is based on the qualitative content analysis method, shows that China's goals for the development of AI can be formulated at two levels: short-term and long-term. In the short term, China seeks to increase its digital governance capacity, enhance its soft power, develop technology diplomacy, and weaken its strategic dependence on the West by 2035. In the long term, it pursues broader goals such as structural balancing against US hegemony, shaping a multipolar order based on technological platforms, and consolidating its hegemonic role in the global geotechnological architecture by 2050. Data collection in this study is based on online and library sources. The findings show that the Chinese government, by utilizing a network of technology, infrastructure investment, digital institution-building, and the production of international standards, seeks to redefine the existing order in favor of its governance model. Thus, artificial intelligence is not just a technology,The emergence of artificial intelligence as a transformative technology is transforming the foundations of power, governance, and geopolitical competition in the contemporary international order. In this context, the People's Republic of China, especially under Xi Jinping's leadership, has adopted a hybrid and structured approach, making AI a key tool in advancing its multi-layered geostrategic goals. By combining the two theoretical frameworks of neoclassical realism and network theory, the present study seeks to analyze how the Xi Jinping government uses the purposeful development of AI to rearrange its position in the global order. The provisional hypothesis of this study, which is based on the qualitative content analysis method, shows that China's goals for the development of AI can be formulated at two levels: short-term and long-term. In the short term, China seeks to increase its digital governance capacity, enhance its soft power, develop technology diplomacy, and weaken its strategic dependence on the West by 2035. In the long term, it pursues broader goals such as structural balancing against US hegemony, shaping a multipolar order based on technological platforms, and consolidating its hegemonic role in the global geotechnological architecture by 2050. Data collection in this study is based on online and library sources. The findings show that the Chinese government, by utilizing a network of technology, infrastructure investment, digital institution-building, and the production of international standards, seeks to redefine the existing order in favor of its governance model. Thus, artificial intelligence is not just a technology,https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_242691_92fce27d566c35990bac7b426cae0fea.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415420260220Meta-analysis of the impact of virtual social networks on political subjectivity in Generation ZMeta-analysis of the impact of virtual social networks on political subjectivity in Generation Z16519725071210.22034/irr.2026.593344.2888FAHosseinSafariAssistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences, Payame Noor University, Tehran, Iran.0000-0002-8942-9131NafisehJaberianAssistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences, Payame Noor University, Tehran, Iran.0000-0003-0491-2333ShoreshAkAssistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences, Payame Noor University, Tehran, Iran.0009-0004-8112-9128Journal Article20260723The present study aimed to systematically synthesize domestic and international findings on the relationship between the use of virtual social networks and the political subjectivity of Generation Z. The research method was a meta-analysis, and based on a systematic review model, 24 eligible studies, including 12 domestic studies and 12 international studies published between 2015 and 2026, were included in the analysis. The effect size of the studies was standardized using the Pearson correlation coefficient, and due to the high heterogeneity of the studies, the random effects model was selected as the main analysis model. The findings showed that there is a positive and significant relationship between the use of virtual social networks and the political subjectivity of Generation Z, and the combined effect size of this relationship was obtained as r = .382/, <br>Overall, the results of this meta-analysis show that virtual social networks are not simply communication or entertainment tools for Generation Z, but have become an effective platform for identity formation, a sense of agency, political expression, and participation in public affairs. These findings emphasize the importance of understanding the multidimensionality of Generation Z's digital life and paying attention to the role of platforms and socio-cultural contexts in the formation of political subjectivity.The present study aimed to systematically synthesize domestic and international findings on the relationship between the use of virtual social networks and the political subjectivity of Generation Z. The research method was a meta-analysis, and based on a systematic review model, 24 eligible studies, including 12 domestic studies and 12 international studies published between 2015 and 2026, were included in the analysis. The effect size of the studies was standardized using the Pearson correlation coefficient, and due to the high heterogeneity of the studies, the random effects model was selected as the main analysis model. The findings showed that there is a positive and significant relationship between the use of virtual social networks and the political subjectivity of Generation Z, and the combined effect size of this relationship was obtained as r = .382/, <br>Overall, the results of this meta-analysis show that virtual social networks are not simply communication or entertainment tools for Generation Z, but have become an effective platform for identity formation, a sense of agency, political expression, and participation in public affairs. These findings emphasize the importance of understanding the multidimensionality of Generation Z's digital life and paying attention to the role of platforms and socio-cultural contexts in the formation of political subjectivity.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_250712_d8cf3554f49593a0cc39e21a4cdde498.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415420260220Applications of artificial intelligence in the evolution of military and security strategiesApplications of artificial intelligence in the evolution of military and security strategies19923025071310.22034/irr.2026.593238.2887FAMansourMansouriDepartment of political Science, Lam.C., Islamic
Azad University, lamerd, Iran0009-0005-8397-7435AliMohamad.HaghighiDepartment of political Science, Lam.C., Islamic Azad University, lamerd,, Iran.0009-0005-0377-1198AminRavanbodDepartment of political Science, Lam.C., Islamic Azad University, lamerd, Iran.0000-0003-0823-9764Journal Article20260722The present study aims to fill this gap by identifying, coding, and integrating the applications of artificial intelligence in the evolution of military and security strategies and attempts to present an integrated and multi-level picture of this phenomenon. This research was conducted with a qualitative approach and using semi-structured in-depth interviews with experts in the fields of artificial intelligence, security, and strategic studies. The data from the interviews were analyzed through open, axial, and selective coding, and finally, 32 primary applications of artificial intelligence in the military and security fields were identified. In the next step, these applications were integrated into the form of 12 main capabilities, and finally, through a conceptual abstraction process, four final applications were extracted at the macro-strategic level. This integrated approach has enabled the passage from the level of individual applications to the level of strategic capabilities and macro-security consequences. The research findings show that AI plays a pivotal role in shaping information and cognitive superiority, intelligent security decision-making and governance, operational sustainability and defense readiness, and digital security and cyber resilience. The results also indicate that the strategic value of AI lies not in its insular uses, but in the synergyits information, cognitive, cyber, and institutional capabilities. From a theoretical perspective, this research contributes to the development of the security and AI literature by providing a multi-level conceptual framework, and from a practical perspective, it can be used as an analytical roadmap for policymakers and security institutions in the evolution of defense strategies.The present study aims to fill this gap by identifying, coding, and integrating the applications of artificial intelligence in the evolution of military and security strategies and attempts to present an integrated and multi-level picture of this phenomenon. This research was conducted with a qualitative approach and using semi-structured in-depth interviews with experts in the fields of artificial intelligence, security, and strategic studies. The data from the interviews were analyzed through open, axial, and selective coding, and finally, 32 primary applications of artificial intelligence in the military and security fields were identified. In the next step, these applications were integrated into the form of 12 main capabilities, and finally, through a conceptual abstraction process, four final applications were extracted at the macro-strategic level. This integrated approach has enabled the passage from the level of individual applications to the level of strategic capabilities and macro-security consequences. The research findings show that AI plays a pivotal role in shaping information and cognitive superiority, intelligent security decision-making and governance, operational sustainability and defense readiness, and digital security and cyber resilience. The results also indicate that the strategic value of AI lies not in its insular uses, but in the synergyits information, cognitive, cyber, and institutional capabilities. From a theoretical perspective, this research contributes to the development of the security and AI literature by providing a multi-level conceptual framework, and from a practical perspective, it can be used as an analytical roadmap for policymakers and security institutions in the evolution of defense strategies.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_250713_8fba81bd27357cbdf11d1ace81d4e017.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415420260220Explaining strategies for improving the efficiency of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of good governance indicatorsExplaining strategies for improving the efficiency of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of good governance indicators23126025071410.22034/irr.2026.250714FAHamidrezaMohamadbazghalehPhD in Political Science, Department of Political Science, Qom Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qom, Iran0009-0003-4046-5742RezaParizadtaseraniAssistant Professor of Political Science, Department of Political Science, Qom Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qom, Iran.0000-0002-1846-6939Journal ArticleEfficiency of political systems is one of the most important issues of world political agents As a result of its unique effect on the level of government authority. This topic is a function of transparent and responsive governance in a country, with the aim of ensuring balanced and sustainable economic and social development, which is the result of the interaction and functioning of all forces, under the concept of good governance. The indicators provide the foundations for the efficiency rate of political systems. The effectiveness of the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, like other political systems, is influenced by good governance. In the present study, the authors posed the question "What are the strategies for improving the efficiency of IRI from the perspective of good governance indicators?", tried to explain these strategies by using the SWOT matrix. The findings led to the extraction of four offensive, competitive, conservative and defensive strategies for each of the six good governance indicators of the World Bank, which in appropriate situations can provide the basis for improving the efficiency of IRI.Efficiency of political systems is one of the most important issues of world political agents As a result of its unique effect on the level of government authority. This topic is a function of transparent and responsive governance in a country, with the aim of ensuring balanced and sustainable economic and social development, which is the result of the interaction and functioning of all forces, under the concept of good governance. The indicators provide the foundations for the efficiency rate of political systems. The effectiveness of the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, like other political systems, is influenced by good governance. In the present study, the authors posed the question "What are the strategies for improving the efficiency of IRI from the perspective of good governance indicators?", tried to explain these strategies by using the SWOT matrix. The findings led to the extraction of four offensive, competitive, conservative and defensive strategies for each of the six good governance indicators of the World Bank, which in appropriate situations can provide the basis for improving the efficiency of IRI.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_250714_6e5996924d201eb1ef430d8b7195b4c8.pdfThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844415420260220The Evolution of Militarism in US Foreign Policy and Its Implications for the West Asian Security Order (2001-2025)The Evolution of Militarism in US Foreign Policy and Its Implications for the West Asian Security Order (2001-2025)26127925195410.22034/irr.2026.591990.2879FAKeivanPoureslamiDepartment of International Relations, Raf.C.,Islamic Azad University, Rafsanjan, Iran.0000-0003-2194-5700EbrahimAnooshehDepartment of International Relations, Raf.C.,Islamic Azad University, Rafsanjan, Iran.0000-0003-2194-5700Khosro VafaeiSaadiDepartment of International Relations, Raf.C.,Islamic Azad University, Rafsanjan, Iran.0009-0008-7218-5119Journal Article20260715This article examines the evolution of militarism in US foreign policy in the West Asia region from September 11, 2001 to 2025. The main question is how militarism, as a dominant framework, has shaped Washington’s foreign policy strategies and instruments through different presidential terms and what consequences it has had for the regional security order. Using the theory of structural realism and concepts such as hegemony, balance of power, and imperial overextension, this study examines four presidential terms (Bush, Obama, Trump, Biden) and the beginning of Trump’s second term using a historical-comparative analysis and process tracing method. The findings show that after September 11, aggressive militarism reached its peak and led to extensive interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. Since the Obama era, this militarism has gradually shifted from direct intervention and occupation to a “hybrid power” based on proxy wars, strategic sanctions, arms sales, and covert operations, but it has remained the hard core of foreign policy. At the same time, competition with China and Russia has led to a redistribution of military resources and a relative reduction in the priority of West Asia. The article concludes that despite tactical achievements such as the temporary elimination of some terrorist leaders and the relative containment of Iran, militarism has failed to achieve its long-term strategic goals of creating lasting stability, consolidating American hegemony, and fully containing Tehran’s regional influence, and has led to the erosion of the United States’ global power and credibility by fueling instability, arms races, and humanitarian crises.This article examines the evolution of militarism in US foreign policy in the West Asia region from September 11, 2001 to 2025. The main question is how militarism, as a dominant framework, has shaped Washington’s foreign policy strategies and instruments through different presidential terms and what consequences it has had for the regional security order. Using the theory of structural realism and concepts such as hegemony, balance of power, and imperial overextension, this study examines four presidential terms (Bush, Obama, Trump, Biden) and the beginning of Trump’s second term using a historical-comparative analysis and process tracing method. The findings show that after September 11, aggressive militarism reached its peak and led to extensive interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. Since the Obama era, this militarism has gradually shifted from direct intervention and occupation to a “hybrid power” based on proxy wars, strategic sanctions, arms sales, and covert operations, but it has remained the hard core of foreign policy. At the same time, competition with China and Russia has led to a redistribution of military resources and a relative reduction in the priority of West Asia. The article concludes that despite tactical achievements such as the temporary elimination of some terrorist leaders and the relative containment of Iran, militarism has failed to achieve its long-term strategic goals of creating lasting stability, consolidating American hegemony, and fully containing Tehran’s regional influence, and has led to the erosion of the United States’ global power and credibility by fueling instability, arms races, and humanitarian crises.https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_251954_6f920c62ee57bec28e9f2fb717457179.pdf