The Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844416120260522Study and analysis of the intersection and connection between political science and cognitive scienceStudy and analysis of the intersection and connection between political science and cognitive science24304610.22034/irr.2026.543188.2755FAGholamaliSoleimaniAssociate Professor of Political Science, Department of Revolution and Political Thought in Islam, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.0000-0002-7459-3799Journal Article20250828Cognitive science is a new science that studies the mind and mental processes. Despite the increasing expansion of cognitive science and the formation of interdisciplinary study areas between cognitive science and other disciplines, the relationship between cognitive science and political science has received less attention from researchers so far. However, the issue of the present research is how to establish a connection and intersection between political science and cognitive science? In other words, how can the achievements and findings of cognitive science be helpful in our understanding of politics? It seems that there are areas and territories in the field of political science that can be studied and examined with the findings of cognitive science; If we consider politics as “judgment and choice among different options before individuals”, we can say that the focal point that is actually the intersection and connection between these two sciences is the category of “reasoning, choosing and decision-making”, which, like political science, is at the center of attention of cognitive sciences, and the aim of this research is to examine the relationship between the two and discover the various and numerous angles of this relationship. In this research, to show the relationship between political science and cognitive science, the intersection of these two sciences, namely “reasoning, choosing and decision-making”, has been discussed and examined in four important interdisciplinary categories: cognitive map, environmental barriers, cognitive biases and the role of feelings and emotions.Cognitive science is a new science that studies the mind and mental processes. Despite the increasing expansion of cognitive science and the formation of interdisciplinary study areas between cognitive science and other disciplines, the relationship between cognitive science and political science has received less attention from researchers so far. However, the issue of the present research is how to establish a connection and intersection between political science and cognitive science? In other words, how can the achievements and findings of cognitive science be helpful in our understanding of politics? It seems that there are areas and territories in the field of political science that can be studied and examined with the findings of cognitive science; If we consider politics as “judgment and choice among different options before individuals”, we can say that the focal point that is actually the intersection and connection between these two sciences is the category of “reasoning, choosing and decision-making”, which, like political science, is at the center of attention of cognitive sciences, and the aim of this research is to examine the relationship between the two and discover the various and numerous angles of this relationship. In this research, to show the relationship between political science and cognitive science, the intersection of these two sciences, namely “reasoning, choosing and decision-making”, has been discussed and examined in four important interdisciplinary categories: cognitive map, environmental barriers, cognitive biases and the role of feelings and emotions.The Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844416120260522The Transformation of China's Foreign Policy Paradigm and Its Impact on China–India Relations (1978–2024)The Transformation of China's Foreign Policy Paradigm and Its Impact on China–India Relations (1978–2024)23311910.22034/irr.2025.555998.2791FAMohammad YahyaPanahiDepartment of Political Science, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Guilan, Rasht, Iran0009-0005-1938-8521Seyed AmirNiakooeeDepartment of Political Science, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Guilan, Rasht, Iran0000-0001-8865-8824Journal Article20251029With the evolution in the logic of China's foreign policy, we have seen the development of economic-commercial relations and the control and management of border situations with India. Despite challenges, this process has had sufficient stability and continuity to benefit the people's welfare. The main question of this research is: what paradigm shifts has the logic of China's foreign policy undergone between 1978 and 2024, and how has this transformation affected the country's relations with India? In response, the main hypothesis of this article states that the paradigmatic shift dominant in the logic of China's foreign policy since 1978 has been the prioritization of the economic developmentalism paradigm. The Spartan Theory, which emphasizes the importance of leaders' beliefs and structural constraints, is used to analyze this matter. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and data collection is based on library and documentary sources. The perceptual framework of Chinese leaders is the independent variable, while the development of economic-commercial relations and the management and control of border situations with India are the dependent variables.With the evolution in the logic of China's foreign policy, we have seen the development of economic-commercial relations and the control and management of border situations with India. Despite challenges, this process has had sufficient stability and continuity to benefit the people's welfare. The main question of this research is: what paradigm shifts has the logic of China's foreign policy undergone between 1978 and 2024, and how has this transformation affected the country's relations with India? In response, the main hypothesis of this article states that the paradigmatic shift dominant in the logic of China's foreign policy since 1978 has been the prioritization of the economic developmentalism paradigm. The Spartan Theory, which emphasizes the importance of leaders' beliefs and structural constraints, is used to analyze this matter. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and data collection is based on library and documentary sources. The perceptual framework of Chinese leaders is the independent variable, while the development of economic-commercial relations and the management and control of border situations with India are the dependent variables.The Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844416120260522Buck-passing System as a Security Order in East Asia: Requirements and Contexts for US ActionBuck-passing System as a Security Order in East Asia: Requirements and Contexts for US Action23398410.22034/irr.2025.534887.2729FAFatemehNaghi ByranvandM.A. in International Relations, Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Law and Political Sciences, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran0009-0008-3771-3334FariborzArghavani PirsalamiAssociate Professor of International Relations, Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Law and Political Sciences, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran0000-0002-6180-7751Journal Article20250715The evolving geopolitical crisis in East Asia, coupled with China's rise as a global power, has prompted the United States to adopt the Buck-passing strategy to manage the regional security order in response to emerging challenges. This article examines the structure of the East Asian security order, analyzes the United States' approach to shaping this order, and explores the requirements and contexts reflected in the implementation of the US Buck-passing strategy. The study utilizes a descriptive-explanatory methodology, drawing on the theoretical frameworks of Buck-passing and regional order theory. The findings suggest that the East Asian security order is shaped by requirements at national, regional, and global levels, encompassing military, political, and economic interests, the development of regional institutions, and the transition from a unipolar to a multipolar system. Furthermore, the implementation of the US Buck-passing strategy is grounded in the domestic capacities of regional states and the influence of regional and international institutions.The evolving geopolitical crisis in East Asia, coupled with China's rise as a global power, has prompted the United States to adopt the Buck-passing strategy to manage the regional security order in response to emerging challenges. This article examines the structure of the East Asian security order, analyzes the United States' approach to shaping this order, and explores the requirements and contexts reflected in the implementation of the US Buck-passing strategy. The study utilizes a descriptive-explanatory methodology, drawing on the theoretical frameworks of Buck-passing and regional order theory. The findings suggest that the East Asian security order is shaped by requirements at national, regional, and global levels, encompassing military, political, and economic interests, the development of regional institutions, and the transition from a unipolar to a multipolar system. Furthermore, the implementation of the US Buck-passing strategy is grounded in the domestic capacities of regional states and the influence of regional and international institutions.The Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844416120260522Strategic Ambiguity and Multidimensional Synergy in Russia's Hybrid War Against UkraineStrategic Ambiguity and Multidimensional Synergy in Russia's Hybrid War Against Ukraine23841710.22034/irr.2026.547687.2771FANoohDavariPhD student in International Relations, Islamic Azad University, Rafsanjan Branch, Rafsanjan, Iran0009-0003-6414-2155Seyyed SaeedSeyyediGraduated with a Master's degree in International Relations, Ferdowsi University, Mashhad, Iran.0009-0003-9055-2123Seyyed MahdiMiriPhD student in International Relations, Islamic Azad University, Science and Research Branch, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20250919this study, focusing on Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine, the aim is to explain the role of strategic ambiguity and the multidimensional synergy of military, economic, cyber, informational and other instruments in facilitating Russia’s attainment of its political objectives. main research question is: in Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine, how does the use of strategic ambiguity and multidimensional coordination among these instruments affect Russia’s ability to achieve its political goals? The research hypothesis is that the employment of strategic ambiguity and multidimensional synergy among military, economic, cyber, informational and other tools within the framework of Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine, by creating a gray zone between war and peace, complicating the direct attribution of responsibility, disrupting the opponent’s decision-making process, and strengthening Moscow’s levers of pressure and bargaining, overall facilitates Russia’s achievement of its desired political objectives. study adopts a qualitative approach and a descriptive-analytical method, and is based on documentary data, official reports, military doctrines and secondary analyses. The findings show that Russia’s hybrid warfare, through the systematic use of strategic ambiguity, the involvement of formal and informal actors, the integration of battlefield operations with information-cyber warfare, and weaponization of economic and energy instruments, creates a gray zone between war and peace in which it becomes possible to manage tensions, increase leverage and advance political objectives without relying on the classical model of conventional warfare. Accordingly, hybrid model grounded in strategic ambiguity and multidimensional coordination functions as an effective instrument for advancing Russia’s political objectives in the Ukraine crisis.this study, focusing on Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine, the aim is to explain the role of strategic ambiguity and the multidimensional synergy of military, economic, cyber, informational and other instruments in facilitating Russia’s attainment of its political objectives. main research question is: in Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine, how does the use of strategic ambiguity and multidimensional coordination among these instruments affect Russia’s ability to achieve its political goals? The research hypothesis is that the employment of strategic ambiguity and multidimensional synergy among military, economic, cyber, informational and other tools within the framework of Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine, by creating a gray zone between war and peace, complicating the direct attribution of responsibility, disrupting the opponent’s decision-making process, and strengthening Moscow’s levers of pressure and bargaining, overall facilitates Russia’s achievement of its desired political objectives. study adopts a qualitative approach and a descriptive-analytical method, and is based on documentary data, official reports, military doctrines and secondary analyses. The findings show that Russia’s hybrid warfare, through the systematic use of strategic ambiguity, the involvement of formal and informal actors, the integration of battlefield operations with information-cyber warfare, and weaponization of economic and energy instruments, creates a gray zone between war and peace in which it becomes possible to manage tensions, increase leverage and advance political objectives without relying on the classical model of conventional warfare. Accordingly, hybrid model grounded in strategic ambiguity and multidimensional coordination functions as an effective instrument for advancing Russia’s political objectives in the Ukraine crisis.The Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844416120260522The Melting of Regional Institutions in Latin America: A Case Study of ALBA, UNASUR, and the Pacific AllianceThe Melting of Regional Institutions in Latin America: A Case Study of ALBA, UNASUR, and the Pacific Alliance23991410.22034/irr.2026.549895.2774FAAminSadeqiBakyaniPhD in Political Science, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran0009-0000-9291-005XJournal Article20250928This study aims to analyze the transformation of regional institutions in Latin America within the framework of liquid regionalism and the phenomenon of institutional "melting." The research is qualitative, employing an inductive approach and a comparative case study strategy. The population consists of regional organizations in Latin America, with ALBA, UNASUR, and the Pacific Alliance selected as purposive cases. Data were collected through official documents, academic articles, and analytical reports. Validity and reliability were ensured via triangulation and comparative analysis. Data were analyzed using qualitative content analysis based on the typology of liquid regionalism—consultation, cooperation, and integration. Findings indicate that institutional melting is a structural crisis driven by weak institutionalization, ideological fragmentation, and lack of sustained regional leadership. ALBA and Unasur have suffered the most, while the Pacific Alliance, despite trade growth, has failed to achieve deep integration. It is concluded that liquid regionalism is a structural shift toward temporary, consultative arrangements, and resistance requires stronger institutionalization and long-term commitmentsThis study aims to analyze the transformation of regional institutions in Latin America within the framework of liquid regionalism and the phenomenon of institutional "melting." The research is qualitative, employing an inductive approach and a comparative case study strategy. The population consists of regional organizations in Latin America, with ALBA, UNASUR, and the Pacific Alliance selected as purposive cases. Data were collected through official documents, academic articles, and analytical reports. Validity and reliability were ensured via triangulation and comparative analysis. Data were analyzed using qualitative content analysis based on the typology of liquid regionalism—consultation, cooperation, and integration. Findings indicate that institutional melting is a structural crisis driven by weak institutionalization, ideological fragmentation, and lack of sustained regional leadership. ALBA and Unasur have suffered the most, while the Pacific Alliance, despite trade growth, has failed to achieve deep integration. It is concluded that liquid regionalism is a structural shift toward temporary, consultative arrangements, and resistance requires stronger institutionalization and long-term commitmentsThe Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844416120260522Internal Factors Influencing State-Building and Nation-Building in Afghanistan: An Expert Perspective (2001–2022)Internal Factors Influencing State-Building and Nation-Building in Afghanistan: An Expert Perspective (2001–2022)23420210.22034/irr.2025.540497.2748FASayed BorhanAltafeDepartment of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Gilan0009-0009-3866-9467AhmadJansizAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of GuilanMehdiHedayati ShahidaniAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Guilan0000-0002-5145-8885Journal Article20250810The present study aims to identify the internal factors influencing the process of state–nation building in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2022, based on the perspectives of university professors and international relations experts. This research was conducted through in-depth interviews with 15 university professors and international relations specialists. The study is grounded in a conceptual theoretical framework that integrates concepts such as fragile state, social constructivism, elite circulation, and mosaic society. Using thematic analysis, the research identifies the most significant internal factors affecting the state–nation building process in Afghanistan from the viewpoint of academic experts and international relations scholars. The central question of the study is: which elements and components do university professors and international relations experts consider the most important internal factors in state–nation building in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2022? According to the findings, participants generally highlighted four major themes: the rapid growth of media, the formation of an electoral system, the social and political participation of women, and the emergence of civil society over the past two decades as key internal factors in the state–nation building process. However, respondents also noted that all these influential factors faced significant challenges, including a fragile state, lack of rule of law, administrative corruption, and dependence on foreign support. The results indicate that during the two decades of the republican system, the process of state–nation building was undermined and ultimately failed due to the intensification and .The present study aims to identify the internal factors influencing the process of state–nation building in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2022, based on the perspectives of university professors and international relations experts. This research was conducted through in-depth interviews with 15 university professors and international relations specialists. The study is grounded in a conceptual theoretical framework that integrates concepts such as fragile state, social constructivism, elite circulation, and mosaic society. Using thematic analysis, the research identifies the most significant internal factors affecting the state–nation building process in Afghanistan from the viewpoint of academic experts and international relations scholars. The central question of the study is: which elements and components do university professors and international relations experts consider the most important internal factors in state–nation building in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2022? According to the findings, participants generally highlighted four major themes: the rapid growth of media, the formation of an electoral system, the social and political participation of women, and the emergence of civil society over the past two decades as key internal factors in the state–nation building process. However, respondents also noted that all these influential factors faced significant challenges, including a fragile state, lack of rule of law, administrative corruption, and dependence on foreign support. The results indicate that during the two decades of the republican system, the process of state–nation building was undermined and ultimately failed due to the intensification and .The Iranian Association of International StudiesInternational Relations Researches2251-844416120260522The Responsibility of the Successor State in Syria Regarding Foreign SupportThe Responsibility of the Successor State in Syria Regarding Foreign Support24654310.22034/irr.2026.538630.2740FAMohammadjavadHeydariandolatabadikhu0000-0003-2975-1716EhsanAliakbari BabukaniUIJournal Article20250802Since 2011, Syrian crisis has evolved into one of most complex regional and international conflicts, marked by the collapse of central authority of Assad regime and the emergence of non-state and quasi-state actors. In this context, foreign support particularly from regional powers such as Turkey and Israel has played a pivotal role in shaping battlefield dynamics and political developments. This paper focuses on the post-Assad period and the rise of a new successor state under leadership of Ahmad al-Shar’a (Joulani) in northwestern Syria, offering a legal analysis of the successor state’s responsibility for consequences of prior foreign support to non-state actors. From the perspective of international law, study examines the principles of continuity of state obligations and the responsibility of successor states regarding past commitments and their effects. The article also explores responsibility of supporting states through lenses of concepts such as effective control and international responsibility, analyzing the legal implications of their actions. It further assesses the challenges related to legitimacy, international recognition, and successor state’s engagement with non-state actors, as well as the opportunities for consolidating authority and assuming responsibility. Findings indicate that, despite existing constraints, successor state bears legal responsibility for the consequences of foreign-backed interventions, and that supporting states also hold direct accountability for actions of their proxy groups. This study adopts a descriptive-analytical method, drawing upon international legal sources, United Nations documents, and a case-based examination of post-Assad Syria, contributing meaningfully to the understanding of successor state responsibility and foreign support in modern armed conflicts.Since 2011, Syrian crisis has evolved into one of most complex regional and international conflicts, marked by the collapse of central authority of Assad regime and the emergence of non-state and quasi-state actors. In this context, foreign support particularly from regional powers such as Turkey and Israel has played a pivotal role in shaping battlefield dynamics and political developments. This paper focuses on the post-Assad period and the rise of a new successor state under leadership of Ahmad al-Shar’a (Joulani) in northwestern Syria, offering a legal analysis of the successor state’s responsibility for consequences of prior foreign support to non-state actors. From the perspective of international law, study examines the principles of continuity of state obligations and the responsibility of successor states regarding past commitments and their effects. The article also explores responsibility of supporting states through lenses of concepts such as effective control and international responsibility, analyzing the legal implications of their actions. It further assesses the challenges related to legitimacy, international recognition, and successor state’s engagement with non-state actors, as well as the opportunities for consolidating authority and assuming responsibility. Findings indicate that, despite existing constraints, successor state bears legal responsibility for the consequences of foreign-backed interventions, and that supporting states also hold direct accountability for actions of their proxy groups. This study adopts a descriptive-analytical method, drawing upon international legal sources, United Nations documents, and a case-based examination of post-Assad Syria, contributing meaningfully to the understanding of successor state responsibility and foreign support in modern armed conflicts.