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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>2</Volume>
				<Issue>5</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2012</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>An Analysis of Interaction Between Islamic Republic of Iran and Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (2005-2011)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>An Analysis of Interaction Between Islamic Republic of Iran and Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (2005-2011)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>9</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>52</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">41907</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Seyyed Jalal</FirstName>
					<LastName>Dehghani Firouz Abadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor of International Relations, Allameh Tabataba&amp;#039;i University</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-1055-531X</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Vahid</FirstName>
					<LastName>Nouri</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD student in International Relations at Allameh Tabatabai University</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-6971-8227</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2014</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>04</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>With the beginning of principalists&#039; era in Iran&#039;s foreign policy, another tense period began in Iran and (P)GCC interactions. Moreover, Arab uprisings in the Middle East and their spilling over to the Persian Gulf intensified these tensions. Therefore, the main question of this article is: What is the main cause of (P)GCC&#039;s approach toward Iran? The main hypothesis is that the &quot;perception of Iran&#039;s threat&quot; is the main cause of (P)GCC&#039;s foreign policy toward Iran. As to the theoretical framework of the paper, the first subsidiary question is that whether Persian Gulf is a regional security complex? After providing a positive response to the question and proving that Iran&#039;s threat is unrealistic, we turn to another subsidiary question regarding propagation of Iranophobia in the region. In this regard, our second subsidiary hypothesis is that the United States and Saudi Arabia have strategic interests in the region and that they adhere to Iranophobia in order to consolidate (P)GCC members against Iran</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">With the beginning of principalists&#039; era in Iran&#039;s foreign policy, another tense period began in Iran and (P)GCC interactions. Moreover, Arab uprisings in the Middle East and their spilling over to the Persian Gulf intensified these tensions. Therefore, the main question of this article is: What is the main cause of (P)GCC&#039;s approach toward Iran? The main hypothesis is that the &quot;perception of Iran&#039;s threat&quot; is the main cause of (P)GCC&#039;s foreign policy toward Iran. As to the theoretical framework of the paper, the first subsidiary question is that whether Persian Gulf is a regional security complex? After providing a positive response to the question and proving that Iran&#039;s threat is unrealistic, we turn to another subsidiary question regarding propagation of Iranophobia in the region. In this regard, our second subsidiary hypothesis is that the United States and Saudi Arabia have strategic interests in the region and that they adhere to Iranophobia in order to consolidate (P)GCC members against Iran</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Regional Security Complex</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">balance of threat</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Balance of Power</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Persian Gulf Cooperation Council</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Iranophobia</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>2</Volume>
				<Issue>5</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2012</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Arms Trade and Regional Integration in Persian Gulf: A case study of PGCC and Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Arms Trade and Regional Integration in Persian Gulf: A case study of PGCC and Iran</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>53</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>78</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">41908</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Arsalan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghorbani Sheikhneshin</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor, Department of Political Science, Kharazmi University</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-4005-1684</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2014</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>04</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The Persian Gulf has been a vital and strategic region and a center of regional and international security issues. The geostrategic location, massive energy resources, rivalries among trans-regional powers, foreign dependencies as well as regional disputes and crises have been the factors behind disintegration and lack of integration in the region. Heavy arms deals and increasing military-security dependencies can alter formation of regional security and integration in the Persian Gulf and lead the region into a new phase of disintegration. The main purpose of this paper is to study effect of arms trade and foreign dependency on the regional integration/convergence system in the Persian Gulf while it will focus on outcomes of the arms trade in Iran-PGCC integration. According to dependency theory, lack of integration among Persian Gulf states is resulting from their structural dependency on trans-regional and capitalist power systems. Because of foreign dependency, heavy arms purchases from the West and asymmetric resistance of Iran against trans-regional powers, intra-regional integration has declined. Simultaneously, political, economic, ethnic and social tensions have increased, and political instability has prevailed in the region. Consequently, it will result in further disintegration in the Persian Gulf</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The Persian Gulf has been a vital and strategic region and a center of regional and international security issues. The geostrategic location, massive energy resources, rivalries among trans-regional powers, foreign dependencies as well as regional disputes and crises have been the factors behind disintegration and lack of integration in the region. Heavy arms deals and increasing military-security dependencies can alter formation of regional security and integration in the Persian Gulf and lead the region into a new phase of disintegration. The main purpose of this paper is to study effect of arms trade and foreign dependency on the regional integration/convergence system in the Persian Gulf while it will focus on outcomes of the arms trade in Iran-PGCC integration. According to dependency theory, lack of integration among Persian Gulf states is resulting from their structural dependency on trans-regional and capitalist power systems. Because of foreign dependency, heavy arms purchases from the West and asymmetric resistance of Iran against trans-regional powers, intra-regional integration has declined. Simultaneously, political, economic, ethnic and social tensions have increased, and political instability has prevailed in the region. Consequently, it will result in further disintegration in the Persian Gulf</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Integration</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Foreign Dependency</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Persian Gulf</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Arms</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Islamic Republic of Iran</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>2</Volume>
				<Issue>5</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2012</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>hreat Exaggeration and Humanitarian Justification for Intervention</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>hreat Exaggeration and Humanitarian Justification for Intervention</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>79</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>110</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">41909</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hossein</FirstName>
					<LastName>Daheshyar</LastName>
<Affiliation>Faculty member of Allameh Tabatabai University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2014</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>04</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Given that there are fewer systemic concerns regarding US military actions in the world and that superior states in the international system do not take actions and serious reactions to curb the US, the role of internal interest groups and president&#039;s greater attention to their views has increased. Although there was no serious threat against US security and its national interests were not at risk, President Barack Obama ordered use of military force against Muammar Gaddafi. &lt;br /&gt; Liberal philanthropists played a significant role in power structure to make necessity of invasion inevitable through exaggeration of threat. Accepting the views of liberal philanthropists and repeating the exaggeration out of election considerations and to secure his liberal platform, Obama found it logical and necessary to invade Libya. &lt;br /&gt; The main question is why Barack Obama decided to use force against Gaddafi. A number of reasons can be provided. However, due to systemic considerations and the change in international system as well as the decreased sensitivity of the superior states toward US actions in the world, one shall turn to the domestic scene. The hypothesis is that liberal philanthropists in the ruling Democratic Party managed to sell the necessity of invading Libya through exaggeration of threat and imminence of genocide.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Given that there are fewer systemic concerns regarding US military actions in the world and that superior states in the international system do not take actions and serious reactions to curb the US, the role of internal interest groups and president&#039;s greater attention to their views has increased. Although there was no serious threat against US security and its national interests were not at risk, President Barack Obama ordered use of military force against Muammar Gaddafi. &lt;br /&gt; Liberal philanthropists played a significant role in power structure to make necessity of invasion inevitable through exaggeration of threat. Accepting the views of liberal philanthropists and repeating the exaggeration out of election considerations and to secure his liberal platform, Obama found it logical and necessary to invade Libya. &lt;br /&gt; The main question is why Barack Obama decided to use force against Gaddafi. A number of reasons can be provided. However, due to systemic considerations and the change in international system as well as the decreased sensitivity of the superior states toward US actions in the world, one shall turn to the domestic scene. The hypothesis is that liberal philanthropists in the ruling Democratic Party managed to sell the necessity of invading Libya through exaggeration of threat and imminence of genocide.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">System Restrictions</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Affected Groups</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Liberal Humanitarians</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Risk-Taking</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Security Phobia</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_41909_7a4127a65ee360ef0110b01a23ab04a3.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>2</Volume>
				<Issue>5</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2012</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Obama&#039;s Policy on Palestine&#039;s UN Membership</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Obama&#039;s Policy on Palestine&#039;s UN Membership</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>111</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>132</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">41910</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad Jafar</FirstName>
					<LastName>Javadi Arjmand</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hossein Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Touti</LastName>
<Affiliation>MA in Regional Studies, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2014</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>04</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The main question of the article is: What’s Obama administration&#039;s policy on Palestine&#039;s membership in the United Nation? According to neoidealist theory, results show that Obama has declared his support for establishing a Palestinian sovereign state in the territories of pre-1967 Arab-Israeli war and tried many times to bring them back to the negotiations table. Nevertheless, he couldn’t accomplish. Meanwhile, Obama has asserted he will veto any efforts by Palestinians to be a member of the United Nations Organization stressing that the recognition should be attained by negotiations. It means, at first, the subject of borders and capital of Palestine should be resolved and then, legal matters and international process to be discussed. Inductive and analytical methods were used in this study.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The main question of the article is: What’s Obama administration&#039;s policy on Palestine&#039;s membership in the United Nation? According to neoidealist theory, results show that Obama has declared his support for establishing a Palestinian sovereign state in the territories of pre-1967 Arab-Israeli war and tried many times to bring them back to the negotiations table. Nevertheless, he couldn’t accomplish. Meanwhile, Obama has asserted he will veto any efforts by Palestinians to be a member of the United Nations Organization stressing that the recognition should be attained by negotiations. It means, at first, the subject of borders and capital of Palestine should be resolved and then, legal matters and international process to be discussed. Inductive and analytical methods were used in this study.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Obama</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Palestine Issue</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">UN</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Israel</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Neoidealism</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">US</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>2</Volume>
				<Issue>5</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2012</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Globalization of Higher Education in the Third Millenium: Components and Dimensions</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Globalization of Higher Education in the Third Millenium: Components and Dimensions</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>133</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>164</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">41911</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hasan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Khodaverdi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Faculty member of Ashtian Azad University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2014</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>04</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Globalization has been one an important human topic in recent decades of the twentieth century and the first decade of the third millennium affecting human life in different fields. In the meantime, the role of higher education is undeniable. Nowadays, globalization has changed the process of higher education in many countries. But how this change happened and which obligations it made for universities, states and societies is a subject about which there is disagreement. &lt;br /&gt; So the main question of this article is: what are components and dimensions of globalization in higher education and how does globalization affect Iran’s higher education? To respond to these questions, the hypothesis is that political, economic, cultural and social dimensions of globalization are strengthening privatization and commercializing of higher education, decreasing of the role of the state and increasing cultural fragmentation. The undeniable reality is that there has not been a single prescription about this subject and that any political, economic, social and cultural school or theory adopts and presents a solution to this subject.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Globalization has been one an important human topic in recent decades of the twentieth century and the first decade of the third millennium affecting human life in different fields. In the meantime, the role of higher education is undeniable. Nowadays, globalization has changed the process of higher education in many countries. But how this change happened and which obligations it made for universities, states and societies is a subject about which there is disagreement. &lt;br /&gt; So the main question of this article is: what are components and dimensions of globalization in higher education and how does globalization affect Iran’s higher education? To respond to these questions, the hypothesis is that political, economic, cultural and social dimensions of globalization are strengthening privatization and commercializing of higher education, decreasing of the role of the state and increasing cultural fragmentation. The undeniable reality is that there has not been a single prescription about this subject and that any political, economic, social and cultural school or theory adopts and presents a solution to this subject.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Higher education</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">globalization</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Internationalization</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">university</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Third Millennium</Param>
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</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>2</Volume>
				<Issue>5</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2012</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Performance and Challenges of UN Women in Sustainable Peace</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Performance and Challenges of UN Women in Sustainable Peace</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>165</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>192</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">41912</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ziauddin</FirstName>
					<LastName>Sabouri</LastName>
<Affiliation>Researcher and Secretary of the Iranian Society of International Relations</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Sanaz</FirstName>
					<LastName>Nasirpour</LastName>
<Affiliation>M.Sc. in International Relations, Azad University, Science and Research Branch</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Marzieh</FirstName>
					<LastName>Hamidian Shourmasti</LastName>
<Affiliation>M.Sc. in International Relations, Azad University, Science and Research Branch</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2014</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>04</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>When one talks about peace as a common interest of humanity and permanent necessity of getting rid of the root causes of violence and discrimination, the role of 3.5 billion (approximately 49%) women around the world cannot be disregarded. While females make up only a small minority of combatants and perpetrators of wars, they increasingly suffer the greatest harm. Women in war-hit societies face specific and devastating forms of violence which are sometimes used systematically to achieve military or political objectives. Coupled with discrimination and inequitable laws, violence against women prevents them from access to education, becoming financially independent and participating in decision making processes and peace building. Violence against women is, therefore, considered as a major threat to sustainable peace. &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; For many years, commitment to developing a culture of peace has constituted the core of success in three key pillars of the United Nations: peace and security, sustainable development and human rights. However, the UN has faced serious challenges in its efforts to promote gender equality and women’s empowerment, including inadequate funding and lack of a recognized drive to direct UN activities in these areas. Accordingly, on July 2010 the UN General Assembly formed UN Women, a dynamic entity for women and girls, providing them with a powerful voice at the international, regional and national levels. &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; This article will examine UN efforts and challenges of building a sustainable peace, as well as the role and performance of UN Women in the past and future challenges.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">When one talks about peace as a common interest of humanity and permanent necessity of getting rid of the root causes of violence and discrimination, the role of 3.5 billion (approximately 49%) women around the world cannot be disregarded. While females make up only a small minority of combatants and perpetrators of wars, they increasingly suffer the greatest harm. Women in war-hit societies face specific and devastating forms of violence which are sometimes used systematically to achieve military or political objectives. Coupled with discrimination and inequitable laws, violence against women prevents them from access to education, becoming financially independent and participating in decision making processes and peace building. Violence against women is, therefore, considered as a major threat to sustainable peace. &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; For many years, commitment to developing a culture of peace has constituted the core of success in three key pillars of the United Nations: peace and security, sustainable development and human rights. However, the UN has faced serious challenges in its efforts to promote gender equality and women’s empowerment, including inadequate funding and lack of a recognized drive to direct UN activities in these areas. Accordingly, on July 2010 the UN General Assembly formed UN Women, a dynamic entity for women and girls, providing them with a powerful voice at the international, regional and national levels. &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; This article will examine UN efforts and challenges of building a sustainable peace, as well as the role and performance of UN Women in the past and future challenges.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">sustainable peace</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">war</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Violence against Women</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">United Nations</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">UN Women</Param>
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