The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 4 14 2015 01 01 Human Rights and the Implementation of Global and Regional Institutionalized Negotiations: The Guideline to the Materialization of the Comprehensive Security Human Rights and the Implementation of Global and Regional Institutionalized Negotiations: The Guideline to the Materialization of the Comprehensive Security 11 30 41968 FA Reza Simbar Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Guilan 0000-0001-5111-1075 Gholamreza Asadollahi PhD student in International Relations, University of Guilan Journal Article 2015 09 08 The Human Rights as one of the most prominent fundamental challenges in the field of International Relations has gained special attention by the experts and politicians in the recent decades. Now a days, all of them have consensus on the fact that its foundation and principle have come with human’s birth, yet its instances vary in different societies. According to some it is totally human-made, a few attribute it to the human’s nature and mind (natural law) and some other take it against the spirit of human while many assume it as divine. Accordingly, all the religions and school of thoughts in the world agree on the explanation and strength of the human rights in the present world community, however their greatest challenge will be the difference on instances. In this regard, it could be said that this issue is seen in the peace and security paradigm. Considering this, the ultimate aim of this research is to incorporate the issue of human rights in the discussions of comprehensive security in global politics through the constructivist and discourse analysis in which the necessity of the approach and guideline for the implementation of the formal international negotiations are explained. Hypothesizing this issue, the question arises is that what are the guidelines and policies for integrating the human rights perspectives towards the materialization of comprehensive security in global politics? The Human Rights as one of the most prominent fundamental challenges in the field of International Relations has gained special attention by the experts and politicians in the recent decades. Now a days, all of them have consensus on the fact that its foundation and principle have come with human’s birth, yet its instances vary in different societies. According to some it is totally human-made, a few attribute it to the human’s nature and mind (natural law) and some other take it against the spirit of human while many assume it as divine. Accordingly, all the religions and school of thoughts in the world agree on the explanation and strength of the human rights in the present world community, however their greatest challenge will be the difference on instances. In this regard, it could be said that this issue is seen in the peace and security paradigm. Considering this, the ultimate aim of this research is to incorporate the issue of human rights in the discussions of comprehensive security in global politics through the constructivist and discourse analysis in which the necessity of the approach and guideline for the implementation of the formal international negotiations are explained. Hypothesizing this issue, the question arises is that what are the guidelines and policies for integrating the human rights perspectives towards the materialization of comprehensive security in global politics? https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_41968_75b2b235a1a34fba3f4e6e64adf8532c.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 4 14 2015 01 01 The Geopolitical Developments of South Chinese Sea and the Strategies of the Regional and Trans-Regional Players: Impacts and Implications The Geopolitical Developments of South Chinese Sea and the Strategies of the Regional and Trans-Regional Players: Impacts and Implications 31 58 41969 FA Ziauddin Sabouri Researcher of International Relations and Secretary of the Iranian Association of International Relations Amir Ghiasi Master of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabai University Journal Article 2015 09 08 The Chinese South Sea during WWII and the Cold War had a special importance for countries such as USA, USSR and Japan from a geopolitical and geostrategic point of view. These countries used to enjoy this sea as an opportunity for increasing their presence and influence in the East Asia. Though, the decreased influence of Japan and the collapse of the USSR limited the number of players in this area, yet the recent emergence of great and middle powers in the region have brought about new developments in this sea. In spite of that, its significance has not diminished in the last years and rather with the exploration of mineral, gas and oil sources in this area, it has gained more significance. These factors, along with the trend of the growing economic and military power of China and its capability to become a regional power have caused certain developments which led to a greater role playing of the regional as well as trans-regional states. In this regard, the questions that we would like to address are: with the geopolitical developments and increased number of regional and trans-regional players in this sea, what objectives theses players seek? And what implications the strategies and policies of these players have brought about in this sea? The hypothesis of this paper is that the increased power of China, emergence of the regional and trans-regional players with the recent geopolitical and geo-economic developments in the South Chinese Sea led to the proclamations of the players regarding this sea and at the same time their efforts to expand their influence and control over the sea aimed at attaining available sources which have paved the way for more tension and increasing instability in the region. The Chinese South Sea during WWII and the Cold War had a special importance for countries such as USA, USSR and Japan from a geopolitical and geostrategic point of view. These countries used to enjoy this sea as an opportunity for increasing their presence and influence in the East Asia. Though, the decreased influence of Japan and the collapse of the USSR limited the number of players in this area, yet the recent emergence of great and middle powers in the region have brought about new developments in this sea. In spite of that, its significance has not diminished in the last years and rather with the exploration of mineral, gas and oil sources in this area, it has gained more significance. These factors, along with the trend of the growing economic and military power of China and its capability to become a regional power have caused certain developments which led to a greater role playing of the regional as well as trans-regional states. In this regard, the questions that we would like to address are: with the geopolitical developments and increased number of regional and trans-regional players in this sea, what objectives theses players seek? And what implications the strategies and policies of these players have brought about in this sea? The hypothesis of this paper is that the increased power of China, emergence of the regional and trans-regional players with the recent geopolitical and geo-economic developments in the South Chinese Sea led to the proclamations of the players regarding this sea and at the same time their efforts to expand their influence and control over the sea aimed at attaining available sources which have paved the way for more tension and increasing instability in the region. https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_41969_eaac44eefff218557692720f8a56af4e.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 4 14 2015 01 01 Interlocutory Order in National and International Arbitration Interlocutory Order in National and International Arbitration 59 85 41970 FA Seyyed Mohammad Asadinejad Tahergourabi Faculty Member of Guilan University 0000-0001-8664-105X Mir Hamed Asadinejad Tahergourabi University of Guilan private law graduate Journal Article 2015 09 08 reason why people tend to refer to it rather than to justice administration court is the protection of the secrets of both parties to the litigation. Nevertheless, in some cases the resort to justice administration court is inevitable in such a way that non-reference to the court can cause irreparable loss, of which the compensation can later be difficult to achieve even if the judgment has been issued in favor of the petitioner. One of the measures which the beneficiary can take to prevent losses from occurrence is to request the interlocutory order which is within court jurisdiction in the national arbitration to be issued after its urgency has been established. Articles 9 and 17 of Iranian law of international trade arbitration approved in 1997 clearly stipulate that the arbitrator is authorized to issue the interlocutory order, whereas the law concerning the procedure of civil proceedings remains silent. Considering the silence of civil proceedings law, this article seeks to answer the questions whether national arbitrators, like international ones, are entitled to issue interlocutory orders? and whether this constitutes arbitration withdrawal if the beneficiary refers to the justice administration court in order to request the interlocutory order? reason why people tend to refer to it rather than to justice administration court is the protection of the secrets of both parties to the litigation. Nevertheless, in some cases the resort to justice administration court is inevitable in such a way that non-reference to the court can cause irreparable loss, of which the compensation can later be difficult to achieve even if the judgment has been issued in favor of the petitioner. One of the measures which the beneficiary can take to prevent losses from occurrence is to request the interlocutory order which is within court jurisdiction in the national arbitration to be issued after its urgency has been established. Articles 9 and 17 of Iranian law of international trade arbitration approved in 1997 clearly stipulate that the arbitrator is authorized to issue the interlocutory order, whereas the law concerning the procedure of civil proceedings remains silent. Considering the silence of civil proceedings law, this article seeks to answer the questions whether national arbitrators, like international ones, are entitled to issue interlocutory orders? and whether this constitutes arbitration withdrawal if the beneficiary refers to the justice administration court in order to request the interlocutory order? https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_41970_4bcc84bfaa3abea4e449107cfb3ee73e.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 4 14 2015 01 01 Militarists and Transition towards Democracy in the Arab Countries: Case Study of the Role of Militarists in Egyptian Socio-Political Developments Militarists and Transition towards Democracy in the Arab Countries: Case Study of the Role of Militarists in Egyptian Socio-Political Developments 87 122 41971 FA Seyyed Jalal Dehghani Firouzabadi Professor of International Relations, Allameh Tabataba'i University 0000-0003-1055-531X Parisa Karimi PhD student in International Relations at Allameh Tabatabai University Journal Article 2015 09 08 Militaristic intervention in politics in the third world countries and especially in Middle East has been a common phenomenon in the second half of the twentieth century. Due to the fact that since 1952 onwards the Egypt's military apparatus has enjoyed special privileges in political and economic arenas and played considerable role in recent movements from beginning of revolution till the coup against Muslim Brotherhood and gaining political power, it seems necessary to study the process of gaining power by the militarists in the Egyptian political scene. This article is an attempt toreview and evaluate established theories of militarists and politics and eventually to examine therole of the militarists in the process of transition to democracy in the country. The authors believe that military's role as the guardian and facilitator of modernization process is not necessarily applicable in democratization process. In fact what we are witnessing in today Egypt's events consists of uncoordinated approaches among military leaders, continued military dependence to America, reproduction of quasi- authoritarianism of Mubarak, resorting to the old methods of militarizing and securitizing the government and the lack of will to transfer the power to the civilians. These factors are certainly incompatible with a positive and effective role of the military in the process of transition to democracy in Egypt. This paper addresses the issue in the framework of interpretivist paradigm and with use of analytical-explanatory method. Militaristic intervention in politics in the third world countries and especially in Middle East has been a common phenomenon in the second half of the twentieth century. Due to the fact that since 1952 onwards the Egypt's military apparatus has enjoyed special privileges in political and economic arenas and played considerable role in recent movements from beginning of revolution till the coup against Muslim Brotherhood and gaining political power, it seems necessary to study the process of gaining power by the militarists in the Egyptian political scene. This article is an attempt toreview and evaluate established theories of militarists and politics and eventually to examine therole of the militarists in the process of transition to democracy in the country. The authors believe that military's role as the guardian and facilitator of modernization process is not necessarily applicable in democratization process. In fact what we are witnessing in today Egypt's events consists of uncoordinated approaches among military leaders, continued military dependence to America, reproduction of quasi- authoritarianism of Mubarak, resorting to the old methods of militarizing and securitizing the government and the lack of will to transfer the power to the civilians. These factors are certainly incompatible with a positive and effective role of the military in the process of transition to democracy in Egypt. This paper addresses the issue in the framework of interpretivist paradigm and with use of analytical-explanatory method. https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_41971_438be6a47658f47479deb34f558eba4e.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 4 14 2015 01 01 Security Dilemma: Study of Persian Gulf Cooperation Council's Attitude Toward Iran's nuclear Program Security Dilemma: Study of Persian Gulf Cooperation Council's Attitude Toward Iran's nuclear Program 123 154 41972 FA Habibollah Abolhassan Shirazi Associate Professor of International Relations Islamic Azad University, Central Tehran Branch 0009-0005-3757-8492 Hamid Nikou M.Sc. in Regional Studies, Islamic Azad University, Central Tehran Branch Journal Article 2015 09 08 Persian Gulf Cooperation Council was created with the aim of confronting what was called threat of Islamic Revolution. Although the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries except Iran have security concerns, such as fear of internal instability and popular uprisings, but they see Iran as the most serious external threat and this viewpoint has been intensified after the Arab world's revolutions. The perspectives of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries regarding Iran, in many cases, are the same and in some cases there are minor differences. These countries alone cannot paly a major security role. That is why the foreign security of these countries is determined in alliance with the great powers and regional countries and Saudi Arabia is the main axis of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council.After Iraq-Iran war, I. R. of Iran moved toward building and developing ballistic missile technology and nuclear program which caused Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries feel an intensified threat. They have been jointly seeking to stop I. R. of Iran nuclear program. The politics of these countries have strongly been influenced by US regional policy particularly towards Iran.This paper attempts to analyze the attitudes of Persian Gulf Cooperation Council regarding Iran's nuclear program while examining the security concerns of these countries and the council’s strategies for balance of power and follow-up in the security system of the Persian Gulf region Persian Gulf Cooperation Council was created with the aim of confronting what was called threat of Islamic Revolution. Although the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries except Iran have security concerns, such as fear of internal instability and popular uprisings, but they see Iran as the most serious external threat and this viewpoint has been intensified after the Arab world's revolutions. The perspectives of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries regarding Iran, in many cases, are the same and in some cases there are minor differences. These countries alone cannot paly a major security role. That is why the foreign security of these countries is determined in alliance with the great powers and regional countries and Saudi Arabia is the main axis of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council.After Iraq-Iran war, I. R. of Iran moved toward building and developing ballistic missile technology and nuclear program which caused Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries feel an intensified threat. They have been jointly seeking to stop I. R. of Iran nuclear program. The politics of these countries have strongly been influenced by US regional policy particularly towards Iran.This paper attempts to analyze the attitudes of Persian Gulf Cooperation Council regarding Iran's nuclear program while examining the security concerns of these countries and the council’s strategies for balance of power and follow-up in the security system of the Persian Gulf region https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_41972_e9356c402558dcf285db53208880d47e.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 4 14 2015 01 01 Hegemony and the Defeat of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt (20011-2013): Return of Political Opportunities and Internal Context Hegemony and the Defeat of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt (20011-2013): Return of Political Opportunities and Internal Context 155 178 41973 FA Seyyed Hamdollah Akvani Assistant Professor of Political Science, Yasuj University Amran Kiani PhD Student of Political Science, Yasuj University Journal Article 2015 09 08 TheEgyptian revolutionary movement of 2011 to 2013 should be taken as a clash of two discourses of "Islamist" and "secular" to dominate the Egyptian society. The outcome of this conflict was the transitional and fragile Islamist hegemony of brotherhood. It was not a year passed from the relative hegemony of Islamist discourse that the way was paved for the reemergence of the hegemony of authoritative secular discourse through the coup. The main question is that what were the factors for the failure of Akhavan’s Islamic discourse and the context for the appearance of the opponent’s discourse? The present study using discourse analysis and structure political opportunities theory intends to prove this hypothesis thatthe Muslim Brotherhood group couldn’t make its discourse hegemonic and stabilize the intended concept of disciplinary among the thought line of the society TheEgyptian revolutionary movement of 2011 to 2013 should be taken as a clash of two discourses of "Islamist" and "secular" to dominate the Egyptian society. The outcome of this conflict was the transitional and fragile Islamist hegemony of brotherhood. It was not a year passed from the relative hegemony of Islamist discourse that the way was paved for the reemergence of the hegemony of authoritative secular discourse through the coup. The main question is that what were the factors for the failure of Akhavan’s Islamic discourse and the context for the appearance of the opponent’s discourse? The present study using discourse analysis and structure political opportunities theory intends to prove this hypothesis thatthe Muslim Brotherhood group couldn’t make its discourse hegemonic and stabilize the intended concept of disciplinary among the thought line of the society https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_41973_d1c0346fd48738633f88daca7a7f59b6.pdf

The Iranian Association of International Studies International Relations Researches 2251-8444 4 14 2015 01 01 Legal Aspects of Governing Principles on Outer Space Legal Aspects of Governing Principles on Outer Space 179 214 41974 FA Homayon Mafi Associate Professor, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Mazandaran University Vahid Bazar Master of Law in Allameh Tabataba'i University Journal Article 2015 09 08 Until 1957, the human had recognized three areas: earth, sea and air. After the access of human to outer space, the exploration of its legal system became unavoidable. Considering the new legal scope of outer space, its novel features include the application and two principles of non-allocation and freedom of utilization. The organized space freedoms regulate them in the framework of special principles. Non-defective principles such as outer space freedom, use of outer space for peaceful purposes, freedom of exploration and utilization of outer space for all countries, registration of all space objects, international cooperation in exploration and utilization of outer space are applicable to space activities. At the present, the mentioned principles are governed by the whole international community and are continuously approved by the acts of United Nations and space international treaties. This article is an attempt to seek the legal analysis of the governing principles applicable to the outer space and to address the main question as to whether these principles could draw a special legal framework for the outer space legal system or not? Until 1957, the human had recognized three areas: earth, sea and air. After the access of human to outer space, the exploration of its legal system became unavoidable. Considering the new legal scope of outer space, its novel features include the application and two principles of non-allocation and freedom of utilization. The organized space freedoms regulate them in the framework of special principles. Non-defective principles such as outer space freedom, use of outer space for peaceful purposes, freedom of exploration and utilization of outer space for all countries, registration of all space objects, international cooperation in exploration and utilization of outer space are applicable to space activities. At the present, the mentioned principles are governed by the whole international community and are continuously approved by the acts of United Nations and space international treaties. This article is an attempt to seek the legal analysis of the governing principles applicable to the outer space and to address the main question as to whether these principles could draw a special legal framework for the outer space legal system or not? https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_41974_746fa5b27a8a3fdef80f4425117c31aa.pdf