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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>6</Volume>
				<Issue>20</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Possible scenarios for Iraq&#039;s future based on effective actors at national, regional, and international levels</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Possible scenarios for Iraq&#039;s future based on effective actors at national, regional, and international levels</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>15</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>38</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">45841</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ebrahim</FirstName>
					<LastName>Motaghi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Amir</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ramzani</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD student in International Relations, Islamic Azad University, Science and Research Branch, Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Fateme</FirstName>
					<LastName>Nekolalazad</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD student in International Relations, Islamic Azad University, Science and Research Branch, Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>09</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Neoliberal approaches provide a broad interpretation of the role of resources in regional competition. Issues such as: Identity, energy and water resources are considered to be competing for resources. Strategic theorists emphasize that in the years following the Cold War, the ground for new competitions in regional and international relations emerged. The Ukraine crisis, the Syrian and Iraqi security crises are among the disputes over resources. To the extent that capacity building is provided to increase exports of economic goods, there are also manifestations of multilateral cooperation in the regional and international arena. Mutual needs of Iran and Saudi Arabia for oil revenues should be considered as factors contributing to the expansion of cooperation between the two countries. The coordination of Iran-Saudi relations in the field of resource diplomacy is part of the neoliberal approach to linking strategic and economic issues. This article attempts to use the neoliberal approach to optimize the pattern of Iran-Saudi relations. Neoliberals believe that economic cooperation makes it possible to develop relationships in strategic areas. Given this approach of coordinating economic policy between Iran and Saudi Arabia, it makes it possible to optimize strategic relations. The main question of the paper emphasizes: &quot;How is it possible to rebuild regional relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia?&quot; Is coming. ”</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Neoliberal approaches provide a broad interpretation of the role of resources in regional competition. Issues such as: Identity, energy and water resources are considered to be competing for resources. Strategic theorists emphasize that in the years following the Cold War, the ground for new competitions in regional and international relations emerged. The Ukraine crisis, the Syrian and Iraqi security crises are among the disputes over resources. To the extent that capacity building is provided to increase exports of economic goods, there are also manifestations of multilateral cooperation in the regional and international arena. Mutual needs of Iran and Saudi Arabia for oil revenues should be considered as factors contributing to the expansion of cooperation between the two countries. The coordination of Iran-Saudi relations in the field of resource diplomacy is part of the neoliberal approach to linking strategic and economic issues. This article attempts to use the neoliberal approach to optimize the pattern of Iran-Saudi relations. Neoliberals believe that economic cooperation makes it possible to develop relationships in strategic areas. Given this approach of coordinating economic policy between Iran and Saudi Arabia, it makes it possible to optimize strategic relations. The main question of the paper emphasizes: &quot;How is it possible to rebuild regional relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia?&quot; Is coming. ”</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Patterns of Cooperation</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Political Economy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Oil Policy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">energy diplomacy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Regional Role</Param>
			</Object>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_45841_7d4367714de5c7cc0fb7a12cd76b5a10.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>6</Volume>
				<Issue>20</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>,,,Russian Eurasianism, Foundations, Thoughts, and Results and Their Impact on Russia-Iran Relations from 2000 to 2015</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>,,,Russian Eurasianism, Foundations, Thoughts, and Results and Their Impact on Russia-Iran Relations from 2000 to 2015</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>39</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>64</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">45842</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Masoume</FirstName>
					<LastName>Zarei</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD student in International Relations, Kharazmi University, Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Arsalan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghorbani Shaikhneshin</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor of International Relations, Kharazmi University, Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Gholam  Reza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Karimi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of International Relations, Kharazmi University, Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>09</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Eurasianism is a type of thinking in Russian foreign policy whose main thesis is the opposition to Russian westernism. This theory is part of the dimensions of Russia&#039;s national identity. Eurasianists believe that the main issue facing Russian nationality is that it is European that Russian identity has become westernized. From the perspective of this theory, Russia is looking for an alternative path to become an independent polarity in the international system. Therefore, in the Islamic world, it chooses the Islamic Republic of Iran and identifies Iran as one of the opposing forces of the unipolar world of the United States of America. It wants to lead the field of Islamic countries. Therefore, Iran is Moscow&#039;s closest partner. In this regard, the main research question is what effect did Russian Eurasianism have had on the relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia from 2000 to 2015. The research hypothesis is that ascending and descending Eurasianism in three military-security, political and economic spheres The closest relationship between Iran and Russia has been between 2000 and 2015. The theoretical framework used in this research is the school of discourse analysis in foreign policy.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Eurasianism is a type of thinking in Russian foreign policy whose main thesis is the opposition to Russian westernism. This theory is part of the dimensions of Russia&#039;s national identity. Eurasianists believe that the main issue facing Russian nationality is that it is European that Russian identity has become westernized. From the perspective of this theory, Russia is looking for an alternative path to become an independent polarity in the international system. Therefore, in the Islamic world, it chooses the Islamic Republic of Iran and identifies Iran as one of the opposing forces of the unipolar world of the United States of America. It wants to lead the field of Islamic countries. Therefore, Iran is Moscow&#039;s closest partner. In this regard, the main research question is what effect did Russian Eurasianism have had on the relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia from 2000 to 2015. The research hypothesis is that ascending and descending Eurasianism in three military-security, political and economic spheres The closest relationship between Iran and Russia has been between 2000 and 2015. The theoretical framework used in this research is the school of discourse analysis in foreign policy.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Foreign Policy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Russian Foreign Policy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Eurasia</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Eurasianism</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Iran-Russia Relations</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_45842_9c1eac301f2d8111596719a7bc1b90d4.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>6</Volume>
				<Issue>20</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The military coup in Egypt and Turkey: different contexts and results</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The military coup in Egypt and Turkey: different contexts and results</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>65</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>96</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">45843</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Amir</FirstName>
					<LastName>Niakui</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Guilan</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>10</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>After the Arab Spring, Egypt and Turkey suffered military coups. In Egypt, the first elected government was overthrown by a military coup, and the military regained full power. After three years, the military is still a major player in Egyptian developments. In Turkey, despite various internal and regional problems faced by the Erdogan government, the coup did not succeed and was defeated by the resistance of civil society. The present study seeks to explore the political and social contexts of the above-mentioned coups using theories of military intervention in politics and explain the theoretical results of the coups in Egypt and Turkey. In this regard, the main question of the research is: What factors have led to the success of the coup in Egypt and its failure in Turkey? To answer the above question, comparative explanatory method is used and the data collection method is library. The findings indicate that the different outcomes of the military coups in Egypt and Turkey can be explained by the different status of the components of the level of political institutionalization, the integration of the armed forces and the response of civil society in these two countries.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">After the Arab Spring, Egypt and Turkey suffered military coups. In Egypt, the first elected government was overthrown by a military coup, and the military regained full power. After three years, the military is still a major player in Egyptian developments. In Turkey, despite various internal and regional problems faced by the Erdogan government, the coup did not succeed and was defeated by the resistance of civil society. The present study seeks to explore the political and social contexts of the above-mentioned coups using theories of military intervention in politics and explain the theoretical results of the coups in Egypt and Turkey. In this regard, the main question of the research is: What factors have led to the success of the coup in Egypt and its failure in Turkey? To answer the above question, comparative explanatory method is used and the data collection method is library. The findings indicate that the different outcomes of the military coups in Egypt and Turkey can be explained by the different status of the components of the level of political institutionalization, the integration of the armed forces and the response of civil society in these two countries.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Coup</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Egypt</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Turkey</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Army</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Arab spring</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_45843_595f10559cc4d7492e70cdd9ed00ba42.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>6</Volume>
				<Issue>20</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>India&#039;s Balancing Strategy in Interaction with Iran and America</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>India&#039;s Balancing Strategy in Interaction with Iran and America</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>97</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>122</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">45869</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Masoud</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mousavi Shafaee</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of International Relations Tarbiat Modarres University</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-3882-5203</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Saeede</FirstName>
					<LastName>Eskandari</LastName>
<Affiliation>Master of International Relations</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>10</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of India&#039;s pragmatic balancing strategy on its diplomacy towards Iran and the United States. India&#039;s high economic growth in recent years has made it a successful model for economic development. Many observers believe that its pragmatic foreign policy has played an important role in facilitating its economic growth. The use of a balancing strategy against Iran and the US as two regional and international competitors is one example of this pragmatic approach to India. Accordingly, in the present study, using an explanatory-analytical approach, we seek to answer the question, &quot;How has India managed to define its national interest in a constructive engagement with both sides of the conflict, despite the widespread Iran-US differences since September 11, 2001?&quot; The proposed hypothesis for the question is that &quot;in the last decade India has tried to use the balances between Iran and the US for its own interests in a balanced strategy and thereby maintain good interaction with both countries.&quot; The result also shows that India&#039;s balancing strategy with respect to Air The United States and the United States have greatly facilitated the promotion of these interactions without any dispute, and have led India to gain both points in the path of economic growth and development at the same time and play a well-balanced role. To play.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of India&#039;s pragmatic balancing strategy on its diplomacy towards Iran and the United States. India&#039;s high economic growth in recent years has made it a successful model for economic development. Many observers believe that its pragmatic foreign policy has played an important role in facilitating its economic growth. The use of a balancing strategy against Iran and the US as two regional and international competitors is one example of this pragmatic approach to India. Accordingly, in the present study, using an explanatory-analytical approach, we seek to answer the question, &quot;How has India managed to define its national interest in a constructive engagement with both sides of the conflict, despite the widespread Iran-US differences since September 11, 2001?&quot; The proposed hypothesis for the question is that &quot;in the last decade India has tried to use the balances between Iran and the US for its own interests in a balanced strategy and thereby maintain good interaction with both countries.&quot; The result also shows that India&#039;s balancing strategy with respect to Air The United States and the United States have greatly facilitated the promotion of these interactions without any dispute, and have led India to gain both points in the path of economic growth and development at the same time and play a well-balanced role. To play.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">India</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Iran</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">USA</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Balancing Strategy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">economic pragmatism</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_45869_502a3825a6dbdba0449624b8354cedc8.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>6</Volume>
				<Issue>20</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Position of Erosion of Power in the Soft Balancing Strategy of the United States</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Position of Erosion of Power in the Soft Balancing Strategy of the United States</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>123</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>164</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">45870</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mehdi</FirstName>
					<LastName>Hedayati Shahidani</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Guilan</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>09</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Erosion of power is organized effort by actors who have aggressive incentives for ignoring the sovereignty of others at the scene of international politics. Strategic necessities in international politics such as quality and the ability of competitors, causes some players use this pattern. This pattern, along with soft balancing strategy for balancing the behavior of competitor states, emerging powers and actors who are upgrading roles in global equations, mainly from the United States are used Subtly. The most important common feature of these actors in this structure is rejection of unilateral behavior patterns and ideas of American exceptionalism. The main question is that the in the framework of the erosion of power strategy, what similarities and differences to be seen in the behavior of the United States towards regional and world powers? Research findings show that in the long-term period using the soft balancing, America seeks to realization reduced and the erosion of global and regional powers. By matching the behavior of the United States towards the aforementioned actors, this article has analyzed its similarities and differences. Paper has used the case study method for verification of data and focused on countries such as Russia and Iran.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Erosion of power is organized effort by actors who have aggressive incentives for ignoring the sovereignty of others at the scene of international politics. Strategic necessities in international politics such as quality and the ability of competitors, causes some players use this pattern. This pattern, along with soft balancing strategy for balancing the behavior of competitor states, emerging powers and actors who are upgrading roles in global equations, mainly from the United States are used Subtly. The most important common feature of these actors in this structure is rejection of unilateral behavior patterns and ideas of American exceptionalism. The main question is that the in the framework of the erosion of power strategy, what similarities and differences to be seen in the behavior of the United States towards regional and world powers? Research findings show that in the long-term period using the soft balancing, America seeks to realization reduced and the erosion of global and regional powers. By matching the behavior of the United States towards the aforementioned actors, this article has analyzed its similarities and differences. Paper has used the case study method for verification of data and focused on countries such as Russia and Iran.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Erosion of power</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">soft balancing</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">the United States</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">the Russian Federation</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">The Islamic Republic of Iran</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_45870_0d56a0b67c431d9394b76a9a269a30c9.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>6</Volume>
				<Issue>20</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Signs of the ontological action of Israeli security policy in regional conflicts</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Signs of the ontological action of Israeli security policy in regional conflicts</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>165</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>164</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">45871</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Zohreا</FirstName>
					<LastName>Poustinchi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences, Islamic Azad University, Roudehen Branch</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Abdolreza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Bye</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor Islamic Azad University Azadshahr Branch</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2017</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>10</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Israeli security thinking ontology is a function of its ideological and geopolitical necessities. Zionist ghettoes in the 18th and 19th centuries had a significant incentive to organize dispersed Jewish groups in various countries. The literature of such a collection is organized on the basis of Talmudic approaches. As such, security can be seen as the core of the strategic thinking of Zionist groups in Israel and elsewhere in the world. With regard to the semiotics of security thinking in Israel, the main question of the paper can be explained in this connection: &quot;What is the basis of the ontological signs of Israeli security thinking and what is its function?&quot; The article hypothesis emphasizes that: &quot; In this article, the garrison government is measured as an independent variable, while the ghetto security ontology can be seen as a dependent variable. The theoretical framework of the paper is based on a combination of the constructivist approach and the critical school. Such approaches emphasize the role of identity components. On the other hand, it can be argued that the constructivist approach, rather than having epistemological cues, is formed on the basis of ontological and ontological indicators. The main reason for using the constructivist approach can be to link identity indices and perceptions to Israeli security policy.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Israeli security thinking ontology is a function of its ideological and geopolitical necessities. Zionist ghettoes in the 18th and 19th centuries had a significant incentive to organize dispersed Jewish groups in various countries. The literature of such a collection is organized on the basis of Talmudic approaches. As such, security can be seen as the core of the strategic thinking of Zionist groups in Israel and elsewhere in the world. With regard to the semiotics of security thinking in Israel, the main question of the paper can be explained in this connection: &quot;What is the basis of the ontological signs of Israeli security thinking and what is its function?&quot; The article hypothesis emphasizes that: &quot; In this article, the garrison government is measured as an independent variable, while the ghetto security ontology can be seen as a dependent variable. The theoretical framework of the paper is based on a combination of the constructivist approach and the critical school. Such approaches emphasize the role of identity components. On the other hand, it can be argued that the constructivist approach, rather than having epistemological cues, is formed on the basis of ontological and ontological indicators. The main reason for using the constructivist approach can be to link identity indices and perceptions to Israeli security policy.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Regional Conflicts</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">security norms</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">strategic ontology</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_45871_0d529543941581b0373f8cf0c0dcc7f0.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>6</Volume>
				<Issue>20</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Legal Diplomacy and Iranian Nuclear Problem Solving</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Legal Diplomacy and Iranian Nuclear Problem Solving</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>195</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>226</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">45872</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Bayeemehr</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Islamic Azad University, Chalous Branch</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>09</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Diplomacy, as old as intergovernmental relations, never belonged to any particular subject and was never modeled on and always discussed by academic circles of binary law and international relations.&lt;br /&gt;In this article we will take a new look at diplomacy as legal diplomacy, and the question of whether legal diplomacy will resolve the Iranian nuclear issue will be answered. It should be noted that in an international law system based on profit-oriented positivism and political realism, nothing can replace game theory. Legal diplomacy is the same necessity of applying international law and reasoning in the negotiation arena that has been the focus of Iranian nuclear negotiators. In legal diplomacy, negotiators should pursue their goals and interests by using lawsuits against their counterparts based on existing international law principles as well as principles that the claimant considers to be legal principles.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Diplomacy, as old as intergovernmental relations, never belonged to any particular subject and was never modeled on and always discussed by academic circles of binary law and international relations.&lt;br /&gt;In this article we will take a new look at diplomacy as legal diplomacy, and the question of whether legal diplomacy will resolve the Iranian nuclear issue will be answered. It should be noted that in an international law system based on profit-oriented positivism and political realism, nothing can replace game theory. Legal diplomacy is the same necessity of applying international law and reasoning in the negotiation arena that has been the focus of Iranian nuclear negotiators. In legal diplomacy, negotiators should pursue their goals and interests by using lawsuits against their counterparts based on existing international law principles as well as principles that the claimant considers to be legal principles.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Legal Diplomacy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Iran's Nuclear Issue</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Geneva Agreement</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Brigham</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Right to Enrich</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_45872_e96e43446dc54b1e2a36367f390bdb0c.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>6</Volume>
				<Issue>20</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Impact of Socio-Cultural Factors on the Political Economy of Scandinavian Countries</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The Impact of Socio-Cultural Factors on the Political Economy of Scandinavian Countries</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>277</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>254</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">45877</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hadi</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ajili</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabai University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hanif</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghaffari</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD student in International Relations at Allameh Tabatabai University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Political economy is a new and interdisciplinary field in the study of international relations. The study of the interaction of economics and politics in Scandinavian countries with a welfare state structure is of particular importance. Variables such as political culture and social relations and norms also naturally become of particular importance. The present article therefore seeks to answer the main question of the impact of socio-cultural factors on the political economy of the Scandinavian countries (focusing on both Sweden and Norway). In answering this question, the authors conclude that the political culture supporting the welfare state continues to exist effectively due to some cultural features in Scandinavian societies following the decline of the welfare state in Western Europe. Accordingly, the component of political culture has been instrumental in sustaining the welfare state in Scandinavia, due to its historical efficacy.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Political economy is a new and interdisciplinary field in the study of international relations. The study of the interaction of economics and politics in Scandinavian countries with a welfare state structure is of particular importance. Variables such as political culture and social relations and norms also naturally become of particular importance. The present article therefore seeks to answer the main question of the impact of socio-cultural factors on the political economy of the Scandinavian countries (focusing on both Sweden and Norway). In answering this question, the authors conclude that the political culture supporting the welfare state continues to exist effectively due to some cultural features in Scandinavian societies following the decline of the welfare state in Western Europe. Accordingly, the component of political culture has been instrumental in sustaining the welfare state in Scandinavia, due to its historical efficacy.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Political Economy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Scandinavia</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Cultural factors</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Social factors</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_45877_1981344fab98be77a2359cbc6fc10e07.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>6</Volume>
				<Issue>20</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>A Critical Reading of the Politicized Dimensions of Manuel Castells&#039;s Theory of Society and Network Globalization</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>A Critical Reading of the Politicized Dimensions of Manuel Castells&#039;s Theory of Society and Network Globalization</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>255</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>284</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">45878</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hossein</FirstName>
					<LastName>Zahmatkesh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Regional Studies, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hossein</FirstName>
					<LastName>Suranari</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD student in Regional Studies, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ahmad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Sattarzadeh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Master of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabai University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>08</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>In principle, the dynamic nature of capitalism always leads to permanent changes. But what has happened in the last two or three decades is more important than simply being the result of the dynamics of capitalist mode of production. While any description or theorizing about these processes in a context apart from the capitalist context and ignoring capitalist social relations will not give a proper explanation. By considering and applying these facts, Manuel Castells seems to have been able to provide a good description and explanation of the technological changes of the contemporary world and its effects on society, economics, culture, politics, and the institution of the nation-state. His fundamental hypothesis is that informationism, as a dominant paradigm in today&#039;s societies, has led to a new morphology and social structure, resulting in a new society: network society. According to Castells in contemporary society and the world, the presence of networks can be seen everywhere. While introducing two fundamental concepts of society and network globalization in Castells&#039; thoughts, this paper attempts to examine the politicized dimensions of his analysis of society and network globalization.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">In principle, the dynamic nature of capitalism always leads to permanent changes. But what has happened in the last two or three decades is more important than simply being the result of the dynamics of capitalist mode of production. While any description or theorizing about these processes in a context apart from the capitalist context and ignoring capitalist social relations will not give a proper explanation. By considering and applying these facts, Manuel Castells seems to have been able to provide a good description and explanation of the technological changes of the contemporary world and its effects on society, economics, culture, politics, and the institution of the nation-state. His fundamental hypothesis is that informationism, as a dominant paradigm in today&#039;s societies, has led to a new morphology and social structure, resulting in a new society: network society. According to Castells in contemporary society and the world, the presence of networks can be seen everywhere. While introducing two fundamental concepts of society and network globalization in Castells&#039; thoughts, this paper attempts to examine the politicized dimensions of his analysis of society and network globalization.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Network Society</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">network globalization</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">network economy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">network state</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Network Logic</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_45878_f0d6757da803ba88d352c00f92ffb03b.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>6</Volume>
				<Issue>20</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Categorization of the Governments of Some Governments of the World Based on Psychological Analysis of the Concept of Security</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Categorization of the Governments of Some Governments of the World Based on Psychological Analysis of the Concept of Security</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>285</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>312</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">45879</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Valialah</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mousavi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor of Psychology, University of Guilan</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>10</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The concept of security is one of the most important topics in clinical psychology and personality (on the one hand) and international relations (on the other) and in various theories of great psychologists (such as Sigmund Freud, Eric Freud, Karen Horney, Alfred Adler, and Abraham Masloward), This concept has been debated. For this reason, in this article, the rule of some world governments is categorized on the basis of psychological analysis of the concept of security. In this regard, according to the German psychologist Karen Hornei&#039;s theory, it is noted that in order to meet the psychic needs of life (which makes them feel insecure), some people tend to feel connected and dominated by others and feel secure. . But others will gain a sense of security by withdrawing their conscience from others. Accordingly, the author&#039;s psychological analysis of intergovernmental relations (such as how individuals interact) is that world governments can also be grouped into four groups: domineering (such as the Gulf states), domineering (such as the US), isolating ( It is classified as Scandinavian) and independent (such as Iran) but this classification is not invariant as governments behave as individuals affected by various factors.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The concept of security is one of the most important topics in clinical psychology and personality (on the one hand) and international relations (on the other) and in various theories of great psychologists (such as Sigmund Freud, Eric Freud, Karen Horney, Alfred Adler, and Abraham Masloward), This concept has been debated. For this reason, in this article, the rule of some world governments is categorized on the basis of psychological analysis of the concept of security. In this regard, according to the German psychologist Karen Hornei&#039;s theory, it is noted that in order to meet the psychic needs of life (which makes them feel insecure), some people tend to feel connected and dominated by others and feel secure. . But others will gain a sense of security by withdrawing their conscience from others. Accordingly, the author&#039;s psychological analysis of intergovernmental relations (such as how individuals interact) is that world governments can also be grouped into four groups: domineering (such as the Gulf states), domineering (such as the US), isolating ( It is classified as Scandinavian) and independent (such as Iran) but this classification is not invariant as governments behave as individuals affected by various factors.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Psychological analysis</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Government</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Security</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_45879_27e5913e401960ad17e24f9a435e11d2.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>
</ArticleSet>
