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<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>7</Volume>
				<Issue>23</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2017</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>10</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Egypt&#039;s changing state identity and foreign policy evolution; a case study of the Palestinian issue and the Syrian crisis</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Egypt&#039;s changing state identity and foreign policy evolution; a case study of the Palestinian issue and the Syrian crisis</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>15</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>42</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">53562</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad Reza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Hatami</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Payame Noor University, West Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ahmad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Jorfi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Master of Arts in Middle East and North African Studies, Department of International Relations, Ministry of Foreign Affairs</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2017</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>31</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>As one of the major players in the region, Egypt has had a significant impact on the process and future of regional developments and it is important to understand the factors that influence its foreign policy formation and change. Various developments in Egypt over the past few years, along with external pressures and interactions, have been accompanied by important issues such as the transformation of the state&#039;s identity in Egypt. The sources and components of the Egyptian government&#039;s identity as non-stationary phenomena have been changing over the past few years. This has had implications for the country&#039;s foreign policy, as any change in the identity of a state will lead to the definition of new interests and priorities for its foreign policy, which will inevitably lead to a change in its foreign policy approaches. Therefore, the present study investigates and explains the impact of the change of the Egyptian government&#039;s identity on its foreign policy as an important issue. In this regard, this article aims to answer the main question of what causes the changes and rotations in Egyptian foreign policy towards regional issues? Using the Structural Theoretical Approach, he seeks to deepen its foreign policy developments by focusing on the identity changes and identity components of the Egyptian government and will use the two themes of the Palestinian issue and the Syrian crisis and a review of the evolution of the Egyptian approach to them. Was. It is worth mentioning that in this study, descriptive-analytical method was used based on data collection.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">As one of the major players in the region, Egypt has had a significant impact on the process and future of regional developments and it is important to understand the factors that influence its foreign policy formation and change. Various developments in Egypt over the past few years, along with external pressures and interactions, have been accompanied by important issues such as the transformation of the state&#039;s identity in Egypt. The sources and components of the Egyptian government&#039;s identity as non-stationary phenomena have been changing over the past few years. This has had implications for the country&#039;s foreign policy, as any change in the identity of a state will lead to the definition of new interests and priorities for its foreign policy, which will inevitably lead to a change in its foreign policy approaches. Therefore, the present study investigates and explains the impact of the change of the Egyptian government&#039;s identity on its foreign policy as an important issue. In this regard, this article aims to answer the main question of what causes the changes and rotations in Egyptian foreign policy towards regional issues? Using the Structural Theoretical Approach, he seeks to deepen its foreign policy developments by focusing on the identity changes and identity components of the Egyptian government and will use the two themes of the Palestinian issue and the Syrian crisis and a review of the evolution of the Egyptian approach to them. Was. It is worth mentioning that in this study, descriptive-analytical method was used based on data collection.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>7</Volume>
				<Issue>23</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2017</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The evolution of the US alliance paradigm in the Middle East and possible options for Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The evolution of the US alliance paradigm in the Middle East and possible options for Iran</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>43</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>78</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">53565</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mahdi</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ahouie</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Iranian Studies, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Since the Cold War numerous alliances and coalitions in the Middle East have formed between some regional actors and one of the great trans-regional powers. Most of these alliances have been explained by Stephen Walt&#039;s theory of threat balance. In the post-Cold War era, the United States, with its direct military presence in the region, sought to maintain a favorable balance - a costly and costly endeavor. With the current turmoil in the region, the cost of maintaining traditional alliances for the United States appears to be more costly than its benefits. The new US president has also openly questioned the benefits of such spending in his predecessors. Given the emergence of nongovernmental actors and the multiplicity and complexity of resources threatening US interests, the United States must inevitably move to a new model of maximizing profits while reducing spending in the region. The main question of the present study was why and in what direction is the US Alliance paradigm evolving in the Middle East and what are the alternatives of the US in the region, especially with regard to Iran? The research hypothesis is that the paradigm of US alliances in the region is changing in a way that is likely to turn to a strategy of distance balance aimed at balancing power in the region and establishing some kind of corrosive balance in the Middle East, in which the power of all regional actors will be strengthened. With the exception of Israel, the cost of regional problems for other trans-regional powers such as China will increase. This research uses content analysis to examine some of the newly published documents by American think tanks. These documents have been selected to reflect various tastes and trends in US foreign policy. At present, there is no consensus among American elites and politicians, and the Trump administration has not yet formulated and announced a specific global strategy. However, it is conceivable that the adoption of a long-distance balance strategy is likely to attract more fans in Washington in the coming years. This notion, in fact, constitutes the research hypothesis, suggesting that America&#039;s favored goal in this model is to balance the corrosive power between Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia while raising costs for other competing powers, especially China. In the new era, therefore, these goals will be achieved through a paradoxical combination of maintaining a military presence and threatening appearance while reducing US operational conflict in the Middle East.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Since the Cold War numerous alliances and coalitions in the Middle East have formed between some regional actors and one of the great trans-regional powers. Most of these alliances have been explained by Stephen Walt&#039;s theory of threat balance. In the post-Cold War era, the United States, with its direct military presence in the region, sought to maintain a favorable balance - a costly and costly endeavor. With the current turmoil in the region, the cost of maintaining traditional alliances for the United States appears to be more costly than its benefits. The new US president has also openly questioned the benefits of such spending in his predecessors. Given the emergence of nongovernmental actors and the multiplicity and complexity of resources threatening US interests, the United States must inevitably move to a new model of maximizing profits while reducing spending in the region. The main question of the present study was why and in what direction is the US Alliance paradigm evolving in the Middle East and what are the alternatives of the US in the region, especially with regard to Iran? The research hypothesis is that the paradigm of US alliances in the region is changing in a way that is likely to turn to a strategy of distance balance aimed at balancing power in the region and establishing some kind of corrosive balance in the Middle East, in which the power of all regional actors will be strengthened. With the exception of Israel, the cost of regional problems for other trans-regional powers such as China will increase. This research uses content analysis to examine some of the newly published documents by American think tanks. These documents have been selected to reflect various tastes and trends in US foreign policy. At present, there is no consensus among American elites and politicians, and the Trump administration has not yet formulated and announced a specific global strategy. However, it is conceivable that the adoption of a long-distance balance strategy is likely to attract more fans in Washington in the coming years. This notion, in fact, constitutes the research hypothesis, suggesting that America&#039;s favored goal in this model is to balance the corrosive power between Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia while raising costs for other competing powers, especially China. In the new era, therefore, these goals will be achieved through a paradoxical combination of maintaining a military presence and threatening appearance while reducing US operational conflict in the Middle East.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Threat Balance</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Power Balance</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Remote Balance</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>7</Volume>
				<Issue>23</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2017</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Self-Imagination of the Reflective Perspective and the Design of Alternatives in the Study of International Relations</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The Self-Imagination of the Reflective Perspective and the Design of Alternatives in the Study of International Relations</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>79</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>108</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">53567</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Seyed Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Monavari</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of International Relations, Kharazmi University</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-5725-2255</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>01</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>With the formation of the fourth debate in international relations, the rationalist perspective continues to show a conception or image of a fixed self. This constant self-image depicts an unchanging state of international relations based on the principle of sovereignty and the everlasting strategy of security and survival. The image is rooted in the views of the rationalist perspective in international relations. This article seeks to consider alternative possibilities in the study of international relations by presenting the points of view of a reflective perspective in the form of a fourth debate and a discussion of transnational themes. Speaking of alternatives to the study of international relations does not mean the material evolution of the discipline, but rather the liberation of the discipline from the fixed image that the individualist perspective provides in its study. Critical theory, post-structuralism / postmodernism, feminism, and post-colonialism are presented in this regard. This paper concludes by analyzing these views that the very idea or image of the contemplative perspective - ontologically and epistemologically - with the discrepancy between the international relations scholar and the subject under study on the one hand and the extension of the subjects under study on the one hand and on the other. It offers alternative opportunities in the study of international relations.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">With the formation of the fourth debate in international relations, the rationalist perspective continues to show a conception or image of a fixed self. This constant self-image depicts an unchanging state of international relations based on the principle of sovereignty and the everlasting strategy of security and survival. The image is rooted in the views of the rationalist perspective in international relations. This article seeks to consider alternative possibilities in the study of international relations by presenting the points of view of a reflective perspective in the form of a fourth debate and a discussion of transnational themes. Speaking of alternatives to the study of international relations does not mean the material evolution of the discipline, but rather the liberation of the discipline from the fixed image that the individualist perspective provides in its study. Critical theory, post-structuralism / postmodernism, feminism, and post-colonialism are presented in this regard. This paper concludes by analyzing these views that the very idea or image of the contemplative perspective - ontologically and epistemologically - with the discrepancy between the international relations scholar and the subject under study on the one hand and the extension of the subjects under study on the one hand and on the other. It offers alternative opportunities in the study of international relations.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">self-concept</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Reflectionism</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_53567_94c5476f9b164809c51dbc6e8ccdeee1.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>7</Volume>
				<Issue>23</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2017</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Security Policy and Crisis Management Model in Syria</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Security Policy and Crisis Management Model in Syria</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>109</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>138</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">53568</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Abbas</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mossalanejad</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Security policy making is one of the new strategic issues in the security process. The crisis in Syria is seen as a symbol of the tragedy of power and violence. Understanding the Syrian realities is impossible without considering security policy models. This article attempts to examine the pattern of security policy making in the Syrian crisis. Three fundamental components are addressed in the explanation of this article. The first component is the authoritarian state structure in Syria. The government has used the iron fist pattern to achieve its political and strategic goals in Hama, especially in 1982. The use of power, though it will lead to the victory of the state and the political system, will have its effects on the public opinion of social groups. The second component is the mechanisms of action of the political elite. The elites and rulers of Bashar al-Assad&#039;s government generally prefer to maintain their political status and privileges. Such indicators are seen to increase the incentive to suppress social groups. The third component concerns the evolution of the discourse components in Syria. The Muslim Brotherhood&#039;s critical discourse has been influenced by regional and international space in the discourse of resistance to the strategy of armed struggle against the state. These three elements are elements of the continuing security conflicts and the spread of violence in Syria. The paper uses a critical approach to security policy modeling that demonstrates that social forces and centrifugal groups play an important role in security developments in the Middle East, including Syria. Under the ambiguity of security, the direct role of the major powers has gradually diminished, but they are seeking to use indirect mechanisms of action and proxy forces. That is why Syrian crisis management requires the linking of international, regional, national and transnational actors.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Security policy making is one of the new strategic issues in the security process. The crisis in Syria is seen as a symbol of the tragedy of power and violence. Understanding the Syrian realities is impossible without considering security policy models. This article attempts to examine the pattern of security policy making in the Syrian crisis. Three fundamental components are addressed in the explanation of this article. The first component is the authoritarian state structure in Syria. The government has used the iron fist pattern to achieve its political and strategic goals in Hama, especially in 1982. The use of power, though it will lead to the victory of the state and the political system, will have its effects on the public opinion of social groups. The second component is the mechanisms of action of the political elite. The elites and rulers of Bashar al-Assad&#039;s government generally prefer to maintain their political status and privileges. Such indicators are seen to increase the incentive to suppress social groups. The third component concerns the evolution of the discourse components in Syria. The Muslim Brotherhood&#039;s critical discourse has been influenced by regional and international space in the discourse of resistance to the strategy of armed struggle against the state. These three elements are elements of the continuing security conflicts and the spread of violence in Syria. The paper uses a critical approach to security policy modeling that demonstrates that social forces and centrifugal groups play an important role in security developments in the Middle East, including Syria. Under the ambiguity of security, the direct role of the major powers has gradually diminished, but they are seeking to use indirect mechanisms of action and proxy forces. That is why Syrian crisis management requires the linking of international, regional, national and transnational actors.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Iron Fist Pattern</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Dialogue of Resistance</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Spread of Violence in Syria</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_53568_e0b97adc41f27f8253928b8219a21732.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>7</Volume>
				<Issue>23</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2017</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The position of concept and instances of peace in political science chapters and chapters</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The position of concept and instances of peace in political science chapters and chapters</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>139</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>154</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">53569</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Seyyed Reza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mousaviniya</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabai University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>30</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Traditional, modern, critical and Islamic theories each have a specific definition of political science. War and peace are topics covered by each of these theories and provide solutions for controlling war and making peace. The discourse of the Islamic Revolution, shaped and structured by Imam Khomeini, considers the political knowledge of the Qur&#039;an and Sunnah desirable and introduces peaceful coexistence between groups and nations as the ultimate goal of Islamic teaching. Balmal&#039;s Islamic view of the politics and the principle of peace is evident in the constitution and upstream documents of the Islamic Republic. The Ministry of Science deals with political science from the Islamic point of view and discourse dominating the Islamic Revolution and communicates the subjects of political science to universities in the country, promoting human values, understanding and peace with other nations, and providing lessons based on Islamic worldview. As he said. To what extent are the chapters and chapters of the political science course (known as syllabuses) based on Islamic views and the stated goals of the Ministry of Science for this field of study? And another question: what is the meaning of peace and its implications in the syllabus of political science? (Research Question) This paper, using quantitative content analysis and with a descriptive-comparative purpose, analyzes the syllabuses of the Ministry of Science for Political Science in two periods of time (1996 and 2013) (Research Methodology) and shows: The lesson is based on Islamic views, but the topics or chapters of each lesson are based on a modern or power-based view of politics. There are no course headings that specifically address the concept of peace and its implications. In addition, the chapters related to peace and its implications for the concept of war and power are very limited and incomparable. (Research Findings) Finally, strategies for promoting peace discourse in the field of political science are presented.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Traditional, modern, critical and Islamic theories each have a specific definition of political science. War and peace are topics covered by each of these theories and provide solutions for controlling war and making peace. The discourse of the Islamic Revolution, shaped and structured by Imam Khomeini, considers the political knowledge of the Qur&#039;an and Sunnah desirable and introduces peaceful coexistence between groups and nations as the ultimate goal of Islamic teaching. Balmal&#039;s Islamic view of the politics and the principle of peace is evident in the constitution and upstream documents of the Islamic Republic. The Ministry of Science deals with political science from the Islamic point of view and discourse dominating the Islamic Revolution and communicates the subjects of political science to universities in the country, promoting human values, understanding and peace with other nations, and providing lessons based on Islamic worldview. As he said. To what extent are the chapters and chapters of the political science course (known as syllabuses) based on Islamic views and the stated goals of the Ministry of Science for this field of study? And another question: what is the meaning of peace and its implications in the syllabus of political science? (Research Question) This paper, using quantitative content analysis and with a descriptive-comparative purpose, analyzes the syllabuses of the Ministry of Science for Political Science in two periods of time (1996 and 2013) (Research Methodology) and shows: The lesson is based on Islamic views, but the topics or chapters of each lesson are based on a modern or power-based view of politics. There are no course headings that specifically address the concept of peace and its implications. In addition, the chapters related to peace and its implications for the concept of war and power are very limited and incomparable. (Research Findings) Finally, strategies for promoting peace discourse in the field of political science are presented.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Traditional Theories</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">War and Peace</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Political Science Topics</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Modern Perspective</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Discourse of the Islamic Revolution</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Islamic worldview</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_53569_15b6f28363206ef318d53ecd59b53dfb.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>7</Volume>
				<Issue>23</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2017</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Russian energy diplomacy in the Asia-Pacific region</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Russian energy diplomacy in the Asia-Pacific region</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>155</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>180</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">53576</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Davod</FirstName>
					<LastName>Karimipour</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD student in International Relations, University of Guilan</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Seyed Amir</FirstName>
					<LastName>Niakouee</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Guilan</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ebrahim</FirstName>
					<LastName>Motaghi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor of International Relations, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Due to its importance in the economic, security and political equations of the world, Asia-Pacific has increasingly become the focus of world powers. Therefore, the Russian Federation seeks to develop its level of influence and influence in the region by using various sources of power, including energy leverage, to establish itself as a global superpower. The growing need for energy in the region has made Russia one of the most serious options for supplying energy to Russia, which enjoys huge reserves and geographic proximity. Accordingly, the present paper examines the aims and areas of Moscow&#039;s energy diplomacy in Asia-Pacific by examining the role of Russian energy diplomacy in its foreign policy in the Asia-Pacific region. The paper assumes that Russia views energy as a platform for expanding integration with the region to other areas as well as economic development in the Far East and using energy diplomacy to try to balance the West. Russia&#039;s security challenges in its eastern region are one of Moscow&#039;s most serious incentives to attract investment and economic development in the region, which is possible through the use of energy leverage. The findings show that while Moscow&#039;s success has been successful, it is still far from reaching the ideal conditions because of its political challenge to the United States and divergence in some of its security equations with China.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Due to its importance in the economic, security and political equations of the world, Asia-Pacific has increasingly become the focus of world powers. Therefore, the Russian Federation seeks to develop its level of influence and influence in the region by using various sources of power, including energy leverage, to establish itself as a global superpower. The growing need for energy in the region has made Russia one of the most serious options for supplying energy to Russia, which enjoys huge reserves and geographic proximity. Accordingly, the present paper examines the aims and areas of Moscow&#039;s energy diplomacy in Asia-Pacific by examining the role of Russian energy diplomacy in its foreign policy in the Asia-Pacific region. The paper assumes that Russia views energy as a platform for expanding integration with the region to other areas as well as economic development in the Far East and using energy diplomacy to try to balance the West. Russia&#039;s security challenges in its eastern region are one of Moscow&#039;s most serious incentives to attract investment and economic development in the region, which is possible through the use of energy leverage. The findings show that while Moscow&#039;s success has been successful, it is still far from reaching the ideal conditions because of its political challenge to the United States and divergence in some of its security equations with China.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">energy diplomacy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Regional convergence</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
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</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>7</Volume>
				<Issue>23</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2017</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Role of Education and Universities in Peacebuilding and Regional Conflict Management: A Case Study of the Middle East</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The Role of Education and Universities in Peacebuilding and Regional Conflict Management: A Case Study of the Middle East</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>181</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>206</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">53579</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Morteza</FirstName>
					<LastName>NoorMohamadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabai University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2016</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>30</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Universities have traditionally sought to provide specialized training and skills related to empowering individuals to play a useful role in social change and to earn a decent living with a decent job for students. In the meantime, the educational role of universities in conflict zones and communities and its potential for sustainable peace and promotion of the values ​​and culture of peace in conflict zones and communities are less emphasized. This is especially important in the Middle East, where there are many conflicts, as there are leaders and elites who adhere to common and peaceful norms for resolving disputes and use peaceful means to manage tensions, Relieves an area and provides the grounds and grounds for a lasting and stable peace. Accordingly, the research question is how the educational function of universities can play a role in regional conflict management and peacebuilding. The research hypothesis is that universities can enhance the culture of peace and reduce the intensity and intensity of regional conflicts through standardization (peace, justice, human rights), strengthening shared capacities and social capacity building.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Universities have traditionally sought to provide specialized training and skills related to empowering individuals to play a useful role in social change and to earn a decent living with a decent job for students. In the meantime, the educational role of universities in conflict zones and communities and its potential for sustainable peace and promotion of the values ​​and culture of peace in conflict zones and communities are less emphasized. This is especially important in the Middle East, where there are many conflicts, as there are leaders and elites who adhere to common and peaceful norms for resolving disputes and use peaceful means to manage tensions, Relieves an area and provides the grounds and grounds for a lasting and stable peace. Accordingly, the research question is how the educational function of universities can play a role in regional conflict management and peacebuilding. The research hypothesis is that universities can enhance the culture of peace and reduce the intensity and intensity of regional conflicts through standardization (peace, justice, human rights), strengthening shared capacities and social capacity building.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Education</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Peacebuilding</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">university</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Regional Conflicts</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Normalization</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
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</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>7</Volume>
				<Issue>23</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2017</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Economic Requirements for the Development of Oman-Iran Relations</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Economic Requirements for the Development of Oman-Iran Relations</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>207</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>232</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">53580</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Majid</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mokhtari</LastName>
<Affiliation>M.Sc. in Regional Studies, Allameh Tabataba&amp;#039;i University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Adami</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabai University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s economic relations with the Persian Gulf states, especially Oman, have not been at a high level, despite their potential. The lack of economic cohesion between Iran and its neighbors has made the atmosphere of interaction, competition or even hostility. This potential loss of cooperation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Oman monarchy could be wasted. The existence of economic solidarity and cooperation between the two governments of Iran and Oman, in addition to the benefits it can have for both parties, can in the long run be a good model for other neighbors to expand economic cooperation and consequently political and security. This increased level of cooperation, based on economic cooperation, can in the long run promise a safer and less stressful region. Considering their economic, political and security needs, Iran and Oman should enhance their relations, especially in the economic sector, and take advantage of the development opportunities they face to work together. This article seeks to identify the most important potentials for enhancing economic cooperation between Iran and Oman and to explain the theoretical and practical function of increasing economic cooperation between the two countries.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s economic relations with the Persian Gulf states, especially Oman, have not been at a high level, despite their potential. The lack of economic cohesion between Iran and its neighbors has made the atmosphere of interaction, competition or even hostility. This potential loss of cooperation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Oman monarchy could be wasted. The existence of economic solidarity and cooperation between the two governments of Iran and Oman, in addition to the benefits it can have for both parties, can in the long run be a good model for other neighbors to expand economic cooperation and consequently political and security. This increased level of cooperation, based on economic cooperation, can in the long run promise a safer and less stressful region. Considering their economic, political and security needs, Iran and Oman should enhance their relations, especially in the economic sector, and take advantage of the development opportunities they face to work together. This article seeks to identify the most important potentials for enhancing economic cooperation between Iran and Oman and to explain the theoretical and practical function of increasing economic cooperation between the two countries.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">neoconservatism</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Geoeconomy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">economic complementarity</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Dynamism</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Persian Gulf</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
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</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>7</Volume>
				<Issue>23</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2017</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Environmental peace and diplomacy in the higher education system</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Environmental peace and diplomacy in the higher education system</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>233</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>254</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">53581</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Shirin</FirstName>
					<LastName>Shirazian</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Environmental Law, Islamic Azad University, Science and Research Branch, Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Sobhan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Tayebi</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD in Environmental Law, Islamic Azad University, Science and Research Branch, Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2017</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>With the growing environmental issues and the expansion of various activities in this field, there has been a great deal of controversy. These divisions are seen as a potential source of international instability and a threat to international peace and security. International environmental disputes have always been resolved in the light of diplomacy and international interactions. In this regard, the relations of the countries and the strengthening of international relations and adherence to the common international obligations and the necessity to adhere to the rules of the law are two very important foundations in explaining the role of environmental diplomacy, sustainable development and peace building. In this regard, environmental diplomacy is an effective approach to sustainable peace development through regional interactions and international cooperation. Environmental and peace diplomacy can be endorsed and endorsed by the higher education system as an interdisciplinary orientation drawn from the fields of international law, environmental law and international relations, attracting talented students to the training of specialist forces. This scientific framework is being implemented in some universities around the world under various titles. This paper examines how international conflicts affect the environment and international peace and security, as well as the role of diplomacy in resolving environmental disputes through environmental negotiation and diplomacy. Given the sensitivity of this issue and the fact that the spirit and the spirit of environmental law are based on preventive and preventive principles and that diplomacy has always been regarded as an effective tool for negotiation, the role of environmental diplomacy in preventing and preventing such environmental disputes must be increased. Explain achieving lasting peace. It describes the process of building and developing peace and educating it in the light of environmental diplomacy in the light of international cooperation and interactions.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">With the growing environmental issues and the expansion of various activities in this field, there has been a great deal of controversy. These divisions are seen as a potential source of international instability and a threat to international peace and security. International environmental disputes have always been resolved in the light of diplomacy and international interactions. In this regard, the relations of the countries and the strengthening of international relations and adherence to the common international obligations and the necessity to adhere to the rules of the law are two very important foundations in explaining the role of environmental diplomacy, sustainable development and peace building. In this regard, environmental diplomacy is an effective approach to sustainable peace development through regional interactions and international cooperation. Environmental and peace diplomacy can be endorsed and endorsed by the higher education system as an interdisciplinary orientation drawn from the fields of international law, environmental law and international relations, attracting talented students to the training of specialist forces. This scientific framework is being implemented in some universities around the world under various titles. This paper examines how international conflicts affect the environment and international peace and security, as well as the role of diplomacy in resolving environmental disputes through environmental negotiation and diplomacy. Given the sensitivity of this issue and the fact that the spirit and the spirit of environmental law are based on preventive and preventive principles and that diplomacy has always been regarded as an effective tool for negotiation, the role of environmental diplomacy in preventing and preventing such environmental disputes must be increased. Explain achieving lasting peace. It describes the process of building and developing peace and educating it in the light of environmental diplomacy in the light of international cooperation and interactions.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Environmental Diplomacy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">international interactions</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Peace</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">International Environmental Law</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Higher education</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_53581_321311b1a2d186b850844e4197706453.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>The Iranian Association of International Studies</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>International Relations Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-8444</Issn>
				<Volume>7</Volume>
				<Issue>23</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2017</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Promoting Peace and Reconciliation Capacity in Criminal Law Education</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Promoting Peace and Reconciliation Capacity in Criminal Law Education</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>255</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>275</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">53583</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad Reza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Rahbar Pour</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Criminal Law and Criminology, Allameh Tabatabai University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Malihe</FirstName>
					<LastName>Khorshidi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Master of Criminal Law and Criminology, Allameh Tabatabai University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>In today&#039;s world full of widespread conflicts at the national and regional levels, peace and reconciliation, and consequently the promotion and education of its culture, is lost, which must be dealt with in the depths of the religion, customs, and culture of each nation using the process. The educational and educational system of that community sought. In the meantime, criminal law is one of the branches of law knowledge in the Iranian educational system that derives most from the normative long-standing knowledge of Muslims: Islamic jurisprudence, despite having regard to the category of crime, criminality and punishment and seemingly devoid of any kind. Peace and reconciliation is rife with violence and legal abuse in the form of prosperity, but at its core it pays special attention to the concepts of peace, reconciliation and reform. The present paper has attempted through a descriptive-analytical method, relying on documentary and legal studies, while highlighting the potentials and capacities underlying the topics and topics of criminal law education in promoting peace and dissemination of reconciliation and philanthropy. Investigate criminal and substantive criminal law. The effects of amnesty, forgiveness and mediation in criminal law, both at the stage of sentencing and judicial review, or at the stage of execution of punishment and punishment, illustrate the double effort to reduce the reproduction of violence and reduce the sense of hostility, thereby enhancing the spirit of peace and reconciliation. Contrary to common belief, a criminal jurist, trained in peace and reconciliation, has been trained as a pacifist and a criminal rather than a trained criminal.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">In today&#039;s world full of widespread conflicts at the national and regional levels, peace and reconciliation, and consequently the promotion and education of its culture, is lost, which must be dealt with in the depths of the religion, customs, and culture of each nation using the process. The educational and educational system of that community sought. In the meantime, criminal law is one of the branches of law knowledge in the Iranian educational system that derives most from the normative long-standing knowledge of Muslims: Islamic jurisprudence, despite having regard to the category of crime, criminality and punishment and seemingly devoid of any kind. Peace and reconciliation is rife with violence and legal abuse in the form of prosperity, but at its core it pays special attention to the concepts of peace, reconciliation and reform. The present paper has attempted through a descriptive-analytical method, relying on documentary and legal studies, while highlighting the potentials and capacities underlying the topics and topics of criminal law education in promoting peace and dissemination of reconciliation and philanthropy. Investigate criminal and substantive criminal law. The effects of amnesty, forgiveness and mediation in criminal law, both at the stage of sentencing and judicial review, or at the stage of execution of punishment and punishment, illustrate the double effort to reduce the reproduction of violence and reduce the sense of hostility, thereby enhancing the spirit of peace and reconciliation. Contrary to common belief, a criminal jurist, trained in peace and reconciliation, has been trained as a pacifist and a criminal rather than a trained criminal.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Peace</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">reconciliation</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Education</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Criminal law</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Mediation</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.iisajournals.ir/article_53583_c68e180dfd52ae72565d7b8b8c487a2c.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>
</ArticleSet>
