This research examines the economization of Iran's foreign policy as a key strategy for achieving sustainable development and strengthening national security.The study employs a qualitative approach within a two-stage framework. In the first stage, an initial conceptual model was developed through semi-structured interviews with 18 executive elites, utilizing grounded theory. Subsequently, to mitigate institutional bias and validate the findings, this model was reviewed and refined in a second stage by an expert panel composed of independent academics and private sector actors. Synthesized findings indicate that overt obstacles, such as inefficient bureaucracy and international sanctions, are symptoms of a deeper root cause: the 'structural conflict between economic logic and political-security logic'. This conflict, stemming from the lack of a unified political will, is the main barrier to realizing economic diplomacy. The final model posits that the success of executive strategies (e.g., institutional reforms and developing regional relations) is entirely conditional upon fulfilling a key prerequisite: the establishment of a supra-institutional political will to prioritize the economy. Ultimately, the economization of Iran's foreign policy is not a choice but a strategic imperative that requires a paradigm shift from crisis management to development strategy. The study recommends that policymakers focus shift from mere executive reforms toward establishing macro-level mechanisms to resolve institutional conflicts of interest and forge a national strategic consensus.
Introduction
In the contemporary global landscape, the structure of international politics is undergoing a fundamental transformation, shifting from a purely security-oriented and political state to one that is increasingly economic and political in nature. Nations and international actors are now constantly seeking new arenas for self-advancement, particularly through economic means. Economics has evolved into an essential prerequisite for development, and a nation's power is no longer defined solely by its military capabilities but is increasingly measured by indicators such as Gross Domestic Product and the depth of its economic integration. In this new geo-economic order, the conquest of markets, rather than territories, has become the strategic priority for nations worldwide. This paradigm shift underscores that neglecting development and its core components can pose serious threats to national security in the long run.
Within this context, foreign policy serves as the critical mechanism for navigating the complex interplay between domestic development needs and the powerful trends of the global economy. The relationship between a country's economy and its foreign policy demonstrates that the primary objective of any foreign policy is to secure national interests, which inherently include economic development, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. Despite numerous studies on Iran's economic relations and the impact of sanctions, a coherent and indigenous theoretical framework for the economization of the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy has been notably absent. Much of the existing research has been limited to specific case studies or descriptive analyses of structural barriers, failing to systematically link diplomacy, economics, and national policymaking. This research, therefore, aims to fill this critical conceptual and policy gap by designing and validating a native model for the economization of Iran's foreign policy. The ultimate goal is to propose a model that can serve as a roadmap for achieving sustainable development, enhancing economic resilience, and strengthening national security.
Theoretical Framework
The conceptual foundation of this study is the economization of foreign policy, a process that involves a deliberate shift in a nation's diplomatic and foreign policy objectives from purely political and security-driven goals toward those centered on economic and developmental outcomes. This concept shares significant overlap with established terms such as economic diplomacy and geo-economics. The theoretical underpinnings of this research are drawn from schools of thought that emphasize the potential for economic cooperation to serve as a tool for managing international conflicts and reducing security-related costs, thereby fostering a more stable environment for national growth. These theories posit that active foreign policy and economic growth share a mutually reinforcing relationship.
However, the primary theoretical challenge, especially in the context of developing nations like Iran, emerges from the inherent tension between different governing logics. A critical political economy perspective reveals a fundamental conflict between the profit-driven, cooperative logic of the global economy and the value-based, security-oriented logic that often dominates a state's internal political and ideological structures. This duality creates significant friction, as foreign policy becomes caught at the intersection of global structural pressures and domestic socio-economic configurations. When a nation's foreign policy is heavily influenced by non-economic considerations, the implementation of an economic-first approach faces profound challenges. This study addresses this theoretical problem by examining the phenomenon at three distinct levels of analysis: the macro (national development strategies and foreign policy goals), meso (inter-agency interactions and conflicts), and micro (the operational conduct of diplomats and commercial attachés).
Methodology
This research employed a qualitative approach, utilizing a grounded theory strategy to generate a conceptual model rooted directly in empirical data rather than testing a pre-existing hypothesis. The study was designed and executed in a two-stage framework to enhance the validity of the findings and to actively mitigate potential institutional bias.
In the first stage, the initial conceptual model was developed through in-depth, semi-structured interviews. A total of 18 executive elites and senior policymakers, who possessed direct, hands-on experience with the subject matter, were selected through purposive and snowball sampling techniques. These interviews provided a rich and detailed dataset reflecting the perspectives of those operating within the system. The data gathered were meticulously analyzed using a three-stage coding process, including open, axial, and selective coding, to identify core concepts, categories, and their relationships.
In the second stage, the initial model was subjected to a rigorous process of critique and refinement through an expert panel validation. This panel was composed of 6 distinguished and independent experts, including high-profile academics in international economics and prominent actors from the private sector who were not affiliated with any official government positions. This stage was specifically designed to control for the inherent pro-establishment viewpoint that might have influenced the findings from the first stage. This dual-phase methodology allowed for the creation of a balanced and robust model that integrates both internal and external perspectives, thereby producing a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon.
Discussion
The synthesized findings from the two-stage research process revealed a multi-layered understanding of the obstacles to the economization of Iran's foreign policy. In the first stage, interviews with executive elites identified a set of tangible, operational challenges that they face daily. These included an inefficient and cumbersome bureaucracy, a persistent lack of coordination between government ministries and institutions, and the complex, ever-present difficulties arising from international sanctions. These findings accurately depicted the challenges at the meso-level of governance.
However, the expert panel in the second stage argued that these observable issues were merely symptoms of a deeper, more foundational root cause. The core finding of this study is that the primary impediment is a structural conflict between the economic logic and the political-security logic that pervades the national decision-making apparatus. This conflict, which is the central barrier to realizing effective economic diplomacy, stems from the absence of a unified, supra-institutional political will to consistently prioritize the economy. The panel concluded that without such a unified will, executive strategies, institutional reforms, and efforts to develop regional relations are destined to fail or yield suboptimal results. Furthermore, the findings distinguished between short-term survival strategies (such as pivoting to the East or developing alternative financial mechanisms to bypass sanctions) and long-term development imperatives. The expert panel cautioned that while survival strategies are necessary, they often increase transaction costs and should not be mistaken for a sustainable development path. Thus, the final model posits that the success of any executive-level reforms is entirely conditional upon fulfilling a key prerequisite: the establishment of an overarching political will to prioritize the economy.
Conclusion
This research concludes that the economization of the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy is not merely a technical or managerial challenge but a profound political and structural issue. It is not simply a policy choice but a strategic imperative for effective governance in the modern world. The realization of this imperative necessitates a complete paradigm shift—from a mindset of crisis management to a forward-looking development strategy. The primary innovation of this study lies not in offering a new list of reforms, but in identifying, structuring, and highlighting the critical preconditions required for any such reforms to succeed.
Based on the final model and synthesized findings, the study puts forth a key strategic recommendation for senior policymakers: the establishment of a Supreme Council for Economic Development and Foreign Relations. This proposed body should be a supra-institutional entity, comprising heads of government branches, key stakeholders, and private sector representatives. Its primary mandate would not be day-to-day implementation but rather to forge strategic coherence, resolve inter-agency conflicts of interest, and ensure that economic development is given priority in the nation's major foreign policy decisions. The success of any operational measures, such as strengthening the economic deputyship of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, depends entirely on the creation of such a high-level consensus-building mechanism. Without addressing this foundational requirement, even the best-designed executive reforms will ultimately be neutralized by deeper structural obstacles.